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AbstractThis article responds to a recent suggestion by Borch (2006) that sociologists might profitably reconsider the 'group mind' explanation, propagated by nineteenth‐century French academics like Tarde and Le Bon, which emphasises the inherent suggestibility, amorality, and destructiveness of crowds as mechanisms of accounting for collective violence. In alluding to the recent French riots of October–November 2005 as an illustrative example, the article rejects the group mind approach (along with a host of other lay explanations appearing in the wake of the disorders) in favour of a multivariate analysis, loosely based on the Flashpoints Model of Public Disorder. The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate how even the most intensely destructive, spontaneous and emotional acts of collective violence are typically underpinned by a guiding and restraining rationality.

3.2. The entrepreneur, master of time3.3. Market connections; 3.4. Competition revisited; 3.5. Between value creation and diversion; 3.6. Globalized entrepreneurship; 4. The Time of Finance; 4.1. Idealized financial markets; 4.2. A contrasted reality; 4.3. Capital and commitment; 4.4. Corporate value; 4.5. Influence of the funding structure; 4.6. The risk of financial decommitment; 5. The Return of Inequalities and Rents; 5.1. The false argument of technology; 5.2. A weakened growth potential; 5.3. The perverse effect of household debt; 5.4. Toward a rent-seekers economy

People with personality disorder who offend tend to be neglected by health services in most countries. In the UK, there has been renewed interest in the field since government initiatives in the end of the 1990s. Government proposals themselves are controversial, but there is growing recognition that it is unsafe, both for the general public and for the primary sufferer alike, if the neglect continues. Years of experience have combined to provide a highly practical reference work covering: ·Models of understanding of personality development and disorder ·Methods of assessment and treatme

<b><i>Background:</i></b> In France, most patients with opioid use disorder (OUD) have been treated by buprenorphine, prescribed by general practitioners (GP) in private practice since 1996. This has contributed to building a 'French model' facilitating access to treatment based on the involvement of GPs in buprenorphine prescription. <b><i>Objectives:</i></b> Our study aimed to assess whether the involvement of primary care in OUD management has changed lately. <b><i>Materials and Methods:</i></b> Using data from the French National Health Insurance database, we conducted a yearly repeated cross-sectional study (2009–2015) and described proportion of opioid maintenance treatment (OMT)-prescribing GPs and OMT-dispensing community pharmacies (CP); and number of patients by GP or CP. <b><i>Results:</i></b> Whereas the number of buprenorphine-prescribing GPs in private practice remained quite stable (decrease of 3%), a substantial decrease in buprenorphine initial prescribers among private GPs was observed. In 2009, 10.3% of private GPs (6,297 from 61,301 French private GPs) prescribed buprenorphine for the initiation of a treatment, whereas they were 5.7% (<i>n</i> = 3,539 from 62,071 private GPs) in 2015 (43.8% decrease). GPs issuing initial prescriptions of buprenorphine tended to care for a higher number of patients treated by buprenorphine (14.6 ± 27.1 patients in 2009 to 16.0 ± 35.4 patients in 2015). The number of CPs dispensing buprenorphine remained quite stable (decrease of 2%), while there was a 7.5% decrease in the total number of French CPs across the study period. <b><i>Conclusions:</i></b> Our results suggest that primary care providers seem less engaged in buprenorphine initiation in OUD patients, while CPs have not modified their involvement towards these patients.

Society has always been a factor that determines the way how public management evolves and adjust. We can appreciate this in history, checking how public management has had an evolution to be able to respond to the moments the society is facing. In stages of public management such as prebureaucratic, bureaucratic and post bureaucratic we can easily analyze how public management adjust itself to the moment the society was living, in order to embrace their needs and find efficient solutions to their problems. The last government of Colombia, expressed in his acceptance and possession speech, that they were bringing a new public management to the country one that would finally adjust to society needs called "Good Government". And here is when this document comes to life, it will try to identify if the "new" public management model establish by Colombia's last government is a new and fresh idea or just a gathering of other existent models in the world. Different factor will be analyzed to get the needed information to differentiate and determine the most important aspects of each model. For this we will take as a basis both of governments acceptance speech, for its two periods 2010-2014 and 2014-2018 and a comparison between all models will be done. ; A sociedade tem sido sempre um fator determinante na forma como a gestão publica evolui. Isto pode ser apreciado na história, ao ver como a gestão publica tem tido uma evolução para conseguir responder e dar uma solução às necessidades que a sociedade apresente. Nas fases da gestão publica tais como a pre-burocrática, burocrática e a post-burocrática é possível analisar como a gestão publica sempre se tem ajustado ela própria ao momento que a sociedade está a viver, para assim conseguir atingir e solucionar as suas necessidades e encontrar soluções eficientes para os seus problemas. O último governo Colombiano, no seu discurso de aceitação e posse, comprometeu-se a trazer consigo um novo modelo de gestão publica ao país, um modelo que finalmente ia ajustar-se às necessidades reais da sociedade colombiana, chamado "Bom Governo". É aqui que este trabalho nasce, tentaremos identificar este "novo" modelo de gestão publica que foi trazido à Colômbia pelo último governo, para assim determinar se na realidade é uma ideia inovadora ou se só termina por ser uma escolha de partes de outros modelos já estabelecidos. Vários fatores vão ser tomados em conta para poder obter a informação necessária e assim conseguir diferenciar os diferentes modelos e determinar os seus aspetos mais importantes. Para isto, se terá como base os dois discursos de aceitação do governo para os seus dois períodos 2010-2014 e 2014-2018.

THE COLD WAR. Flashpoint Trieste is the story of one year in one city as the Cold War begins. The Western Allies had captured the Adriatic port city before the Russians could reach it, but having survived the war, everybody is now desperate to make it through the liberation. Life is fast and violent, as former warring parties find common cause against the Soviet Union and the borders of the new Europe are being hammered out. Against this deadly backdrop of intelligence operations, escape and revenge, the British and Americans are locked into the opening salvoes of the Cold War on the beautiful shores of the Adriatic, opposing the Russians and Yugoslavs. This is the story of the first turbulent post-war year of lethal cat-and-mouse in south-eastern Europe, told through the stories of twelve men and women from seven different countries thrown together on a strategically vital frontier between East and West

The European Defence Agency (EDA) works in a policy area traditionally characterised by high diversity among actors regarding basic notions of what level of integration and which principles of interaction in the defence sector are appropriate for the EU, which countries should participate in defence cooperation, and what coordination mechanisms and instruments should be used. In all these dimensions, the EDA has been a flashpoint of institutional logics representing different visions of how various aspects of defence integration in the EU should be organised. There are tensions between the logic of supranational regulation and the logic of intergovernmental networking; between the logic of defence sovereignty and the logic of pooled defence resources; between the Europeanist and the Euro-Atlanticist logic; and finally between the logics of liberalisation and Europeanisation of the defence market. Studying the ways in which the collisions of institutional logics are being accommodated by the EDA can contribute to greater understanding of the emerging political order of European defence. Adapted from the source document.

In a comparative study drawing on material from the United States and Britain, this book, first published in 1992, examines how various types of industrial, political, urban and sectarian disorder occur. In the early 1990s public disorder returned to the top of the political agenda, and yet was consistently met with confusion and misunderstanding. Public discussion was superficial and emotive, contributing little helpful enlightenment and creating no prospect of sensible policy change. This book presents the flashpoints' model, to explain that public disorder is most likely to occur where a group perceives that its rights are being violated or denied. The model is demonstrated in a selection of vivid case studies which are both international and historical in scope, covering British and American inner-city riots, sports spectator violence, and the Troubles in Northern Ireland. In particular it traces the growth of police powers and assesses how effective democratic control over police behaviour actually is. It also considers the assertion that media coverage can have an inflammatory effect on public disorder.

Austria is frequently overlooked by Cold War historians, but this small landlocked country was the site of a number of East-West confrontations during the decade of occupation by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1955. This article focuses on two of those incidents. In September and October 1950, Austria's Communist Party, supported by Soviet occupation forces, triggered a series of violent demonstrations throughout the country, ostensibly objecting to a new Wage and Price Agreement. Whether these strikes were part of a planned attempt to overthrow the central government is a question still debated. The article assesses the different views on this matter and the evidence available.

Austria is frequently overlooked by Cold War historians, but this small landlocked country was the site of a number of East-west confrontations during the decade of occupation by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1955. This article focuses on two of those incidents. In September and October 1950, Austria's Communist Party, supported by Soviet occupation forces, triggered a series of violent demonstrations throughout the country, ostensibly objecting to a new Wage and Price Agreement. Whether these strikes were part of a planned attempt to overthrow the central government is a question still debated. The article assesses the different views on this matter and the evidence available. Adapted from the source document.