Suchergebnisse

In her speech at the Munich Security Conference in February 2015, Chancellor Angela Merkel unwaveringly said: "Europe's borders are and will remain unalterable." At the same time, however, most observers agree that Crimea will remain de facto under Russian control. Against this backdrop the article assesses the contemporary and possible future legal status of Crimea. Particular attention is given to the inseparability of the link between Russia's unlawful use of force and the purported territorial status alteration of Crimea, the concept of remedial secession and Crimea's current status as an occupied territory.

The armed conflict in Colombia is currently the only active confrontation in Latin America and the longest in the region. During the last fifty years of internal confrontation, there have been many changes in the political and military dynamics of the participants on the international stage and those who confront it. A vision from the point of view of the victims, facing the violence that has lasted for more than 50 years; kidnappings, murders, disappearances, massacres, rapes, expropriations, displacements, attacks, among others, are mentioned. They are the crimes that the country and its society had to face. The guerrillas, the paramilitaries and the public force, participants in the armed conflict. The essay aims to analyze higher education as an alternative to overcome the Colombian armed conflict, the reintegration of ex-guerrillas into society and the role of higher education. Post-conflict university training, including the incorporation into society of different guerrilla groups, must go hand in hand with the training of reintegrated people, taking place in civil society. ; El conflicto armado en Colombia es actualmente el único enfrentamiento activo en América Latina y el de mayor duración en la región. Durante los últimos cincuenta años de confrontación interna, se han producido muchos cambios en la dinámica política y militar de los participantes en el escenario internacional y los que se enfrentan a él. Una visión en el punto de vista de las víctimas, frente a la violencia que ha durado más de 50 años; se mencionan secuestros, asesinatos, desapariciones, masacres, violaciones, expropiaciones, desplazamientos, atentados, entre otros. Son los delitos que el país y su sociedad tuvieron que enfrentar. La guerrilla, los paramilitares y la fuerza pública, participantes del conflicto armado. El ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar la educación superior como una alternativa para superar el conflicto armado colombiano, la reintegración a la sociedad de los exguerrilleros y el papel de la educación superior. La formación universitaria posterior al conflicto, incluida la incorporación a la sociedad de diferentes grupos guerrilleros, debe ir de la mano con la capacitación de las personas reintegradas, llevándose a cabo en la sociedad civil.

Abstract
The international community's sobering track record of sustainably reducing the number of armed conflicts worldwide, as well as the increasing involvement of non-human complexities in times of climate crisis suggest that current approaches to foster peace are too narrow and inflexible. So far, demands and calls for more flexible and adaptive peace practice made by policy-makers and researchers have not led to a related paradigm shift. In order to contribute to such a change of practice, this article advances a speculative analytical attempt that seeks to conceptually uncover new modes of engaging with the world for the purpose of peace. It builds on Baruch Spinoza's materialism and describes peace as intimately interrelated with the issue of political community. Following Spinoza, the article reconsiders the imaginary of political community as something that is constantly being rearticulated by a contingent complexity of human and non-human actors, and thus transcends the geographic scope of its formal borders as well as its epistemic scope across power hierarchies. Finally, the article introduces the human-non-human multitude as political subject that is able to detect and interpret the constituents of a political community, and therefore to maintain and sustain peace.

This article aims to offer both a theoretical contribution and examples of practices of trust building in peace education. The analysis regards international summer camps established in Italy. Each camp is attended by four delegations of ten adolescents coming from different countries; aiming to promote adolescents' ability in conflict resolution, peaceful relationships and intercultural dialogue.In analysing interactions, we follow the basic methodology of Conversation Analysis, which consists in working on naturally occurring interactions and more specifically on the contribution of single turns or actions to the ongoing sequence, with reference to the context. The analysis concerns the design of turns (actions) produced in the interaction and the organization of the sequences in which educators' and adolescents' turns are intertwined. We aim to understand if and in which ways education is effective in enabling adolescents to communicate, creating conditions of trust and trusting commitment, mutual humanization, and mutual recognition of needs.Our data exemplifies two different ways of promoting trust and communication: 1) the educator coordinates the direct interactions between adolescents, who cooperate in constructing a joint narrative; 2) the educator acts as a mediator of contacts among adolescents, promoting their alternate participation in the interaction in triadic exchanges.

Presentations -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part 1: Conceptions and debates on transitional justice -- Part 2: Prosecutions and diverse paths to justice -- Part 3: The right to truth and the role of memory -- Part 4: Reparations and institutional reform -- Contributors

Mit der Task Force Takuba hat Frankreich 2019 bis 2022 eine europäische Militäroperation in Mali angeführt, die sich vom übrigen europäischen Engagement im Sahel unterscheidet: Es handelte sich um einen riskanten Kampfeinsatz einer multinationalen Ad-hoc-Koalition, der außerhalb der EU stattfand. Die meisten der zehn europäischen Juniorpartner der Koalition betrieben mit Takuba primär "Beitrags-Kriegsführung", um ihre Beziehungen zu Frankreich als diplomatischem und militärischem Schwergewicht in Europa auszubauen. Frankreich verband mit Takuba das Ziel einer politischen und militärischen Lastenteilung im Sahel, aber ebenso das Bemühen, das Ambitionsniveau der verteidigungspolitischen Kooperation in Europa anzuheben, zur Not außerhalb bestehender Institutionen. Eine größer werdende Zahl europäischer Staaten scheint diese Ziele zu teilen. Dies machte Takuba zu einer bemerkenswerten Kooperationsplattform zwischen den Staaten Süd-, Nord- und Zentraleuropas. Mit ihr wurden divergierende regionale Prioritäten überwunden, die nach herkömm­licher Einschätzung ein strukturelles Hindernis verteidigungspolitischer Handlungsfähigkeit in Europa sind. Für Deutschland sind Ad-hoc-Koalitionen aus politischen und verfassungs­rechtlichen Gründen ein unbequemes Thema. Durch seine ablehnende Haltung macht sich Berlin zum passiven Zuschauer politisch relevanter Prozesse. Einen Kompromiss - aber noch keine Lösung - im Ringen um euro­päische Handlungsfähigkeit dürfte die Aktivierung von Artikel 44 EU-Vertrag bedeuten, der Koalitionen der Willigen unter dem Dach der EU ermöglicht. (Autorenreferat)

Irredentism & secessionism have been important causes of international conflict in the 1990s, yet few have considered why ethnic groups desire union with kin elsewhere or want to become independent. Why do groups desire independence rather than union with kin, or vice versa? We consider five distinct explanations: (1) the nature of the group itself; (2) characteristics of the group's kin; (3) contagion processes; (4) ethnic security dilemmas; & (5) the end of the Cold War. Using logit, we analyze data from the Minorities at Risk dataset. Our findings support elements of the conventional wisdom: Ethnic kin influence irredentism, & violence between a group & its host state increases secessionism. Contrary to current debates, groups that are more concentrated are more likely to be secessionist. Further, some factors are less important than usually argued: relative size, a group's ethnic distinctiveness, economic & political differences, regime type, & economic growth. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article investigates the relationship between international election observation, election fraud, and post-election violence. While international electoral missions could in principle mitigate the potential for violence by deterring election fraud, the ability of international observers to detect manipulation may in fact induce violent uprisings. Serious irregularities documented by international observers provide credible information on election quality, which draws attention to election outcomes and alleviates coordination problems faced by opposition parties and society. When elections are manipulated to deny citizens an opportunity for peaceful contestation and international observers publicize such manipulation, violent interactions between incumbents, opposition parties, and citizens can ensue. Consequently, the author expects that fraudulent elections monitored by international organizations will have an increased potential for subsequent violence. This expectation is evaluated empirically in an analysis of post-election conflict events for African elections in the 1997–2009 period. Using original data on electoral manipulation and reputable international election observation missions, findings show that the presence of election fraud and international observers increases the likelihood of post-election violence. Matching methods are employed to account for the possibility that international observers' decisions to monitor elections are endogenous to the occurrence of violence in the electoral process. Results for matched samples confirm the findings in the unmatched sample. A variety of robustness tests show that the results are not influenced by the operationalization of independent variables and influential observations.

The modern world can be characterized primarily by the fact that at the beginning of 2014 the international security system, based on a certain balance of power, adherence to the principles of international law and human rights, was challenged. Annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by Moscow Federation is considered as a factor that destabilized the international environment, starting the era of uncertainty. This article raises the issue of international security environment changes, researches the approaches to international security concept understanding in the context of modern international transformations and confrontations. This new period is often described as a resumption of confrontation similar to the times of Cold War, but with a tendency to intensify inter-state conflicts, as a result of changes in the international system. Understanding of international security and outlining of approaches to its provision is changing in regards to the latest challenges posed by modern realities: the activation of new actors, the inability of the international system of containment and counterbalance, and the inability to stop the aggressor with existing instruments of international law. Taking this into account, the author points on the role and place of the hybrid war (hybrid aggression) in the process of activation of transformations and change of the international security environment. It is illustrated by Moscow hybrid war against Ukraine, which is seen as a way to change geopolitical situation in the world. The article also introduces the concept of «hybrid security» as a definition of a special status of international security. The main goal of the work is to define the discourse for further research of problems and challenges to international security in the modern world.Key words: international security; threats; system; Cold War; hybrid war; hybridity; hybrid security; transformation. ; Порушено питання змін у міжнародному безпековому середовищі, підходів до розуміння поняття міжнародної безпеки в контексті сучасних міжнародних перетворень і протистоянь. Новий період багато вчених окреслюють як відновлення протистояння, подібного до часів холодної війни, але з тенденцією до активізації міждержавних конфліктів унаслідок змін міжнародної системи. Розуміння міжнародної безпеки і визначення підходів до її забезпечення змінюється з огляду на новітні виклики, які позиціонують сучасні реалії: активізація нових акторів, недієздатність міжнародної системи стримування та противаг, нездатність зупинити агресора наявними інструментами міжнародного права. Враховуючи це, розглянуто роль та місце гібридної війни (гібридної агресії) у процесі активізації трансформацій і зміни міжнародного середовища безпеки, на прикладі гібридної війни, яку Російська Федерація веде проти України, оскільки її розглядають як спосіб змінити геополітичну ситуацію у світі. У статті також запроваджено поняття «гібридна безпека», як окреслення особливого стану міжнародної безпеки.Ключові слова: міжнародна безпека; загрози; система; холодна війна; гібридна війна; гібридність; гібридна безпека; трансформація.