The foundation of international organizations has created the need to employ in their offices qualified persons who, with the time passing, were called international civil servants. The legal status of international civil servants, their place in the organization and the role played towards member countries, is the subject of the present work. The origin of international civil servants goes back to the 19th c. administrative unions but it was only the League of Nations which accepted this situation. Its full development took place, however, in the latter part of the 20th c., in the period of the so-called organizational revolution. International law and sometimes also the domestic law of the states define the rules of employing civil servants in the organizations. They formulate both the conditions which the candidate for the civil servant must fulfil and the types of his connections with the organization (Chpt. II). International civil servants enjoy the rights and appropriate duties (Chpts. Ill and IV). Their content and scope is the result of, first of all, the internal regulations of the organization, sometimes enriched by the rules of the law of the host state. The rights and duties of civil servants are accompanied by the privileges and immunities — facilities necessary to perform their duties in the organization (Chpt. V). The activities of civil servants may lead to conflicts with organization authorities. To protect their interests civil servants may make use of either administrative procedure stipulated in the inner law of the organization or submit the existing controversy to the competent judicial agency, i. e. administrative tribunal (Chpt. VI). The work closes with considerations on the independence of international civil servants towards the countries they are citizens of (Chpt. VII). And although the rule of independence of civil servants is confirmed by the statutes of particular organizations, still the activities of some countries are threat for this independence.
The aim of this work is to attempt to answer the following questions: what were the dominant tendencies in the years 1990—1994 in the declarations and actions purporting to construct a system of security in the post-Cold War Europe? What model of security was needed by the international community, and what was the direction of the international practice? Which model of international security suited better the strategic national security interests of the Visegrad Group states, and which model was actually favoured by the foreign policy of those states? In the years 1990—1994 there was a steadily growing discrepancy, among the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation, between the declared and the actually realised model of international security. As far as declarations are concerned, the majority of the politicians of the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation pointed to a system of collective security as the best possible model of European security in the post-Cold War era. In practice, various tendencies were gaining in strength that favoured the formation of a new balance of power. From the point view of the strategic security interests of Poland and other states of the Visegrad group, the tendencies to establish a new balance of power should be regarded as detrimental.
This article concentrates on the basic problems respecting the "economic sovereignty" and "economic self-determination", and especially on the right to choose he economic system of a state, the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources, the right to free disposal of natural wealth and resources and the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer a delimitation should be drawn between he rights of states on the one hand, and the corresponding rights of peoples on he other. Such a delimitation must be based on the assumption that in international aw the concept of sovereignty is connected exclusively with the states, and the concept of self-determination exclusively with the peoples. According to that the right to choose the economic system and the permanent sovereignty over natural wealth and resources are fundamental rights of states flowing from their sovereignty The corresponding rights of peoples flowing from their right to selfdetermination, i.e. the right of every people to choose the economic system of its state and the right to free disposal of its natural wealth and resources,, are only complementary to those fundamental rights of states; they are strengthening the prohibition of foreign intervention which is inherent in sovereign equality of states. Ii is, however, possible that the exercise of "economic sovereignty" may contradict the right of a people to "economic self-determination, especially when the economic system does not conform to the wishes of a people or when a people is being deprived of its own means of subsistence. In such a case the question of foreign intervention arises in a different context. It can be taken for granted that the people's right to self-determination excludes the admissibility of foreign intervention by invitation of the government. On the other hand, it is certain that international law does not authorize any intervention in favour of the people's right to self-determination. The last section of the article is concerned with the problems of economic coercion. In the opinion of the present writer the prohibition of the use of economic measures of coercion still belongs to the sphere de lege ferenda. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
A politological analysis is presented in this book of the more than seventy year long period of US — Panama relations. Particular interest is devoted to the diplomatic and international law aspects, since in the author's opinion they are of paramount, fundamental significance. The main stream of these considerations is preceded (section 1) by a description of the circumstances governing the founding od Panama as an independent state. The author sees this as the resultant of a number of causes, both internal and also external, and hence not merely as a product of US policies. In section 2 is presented the initial state of bilateral relations, in particular the circumstances accompanying the signing of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreement, analysis of its clauses and also the legal and practical consequences of this agreement as the plane of the links between' Panama and the United States. Panama — US relations in the years from 1904—1964 are shown (section 3), analysing selected problems in a dynamic conception. Dealt with here are such problems as: guaranteeing independence and the policy of intervention, titular and eminents sovereignty military and economic questions and also matters concerning the conflict of 1964. It is the author's view that the situations analysed determine the principal lines of division and differences in the interests of the two sides, and also make it possible to discern — in a negative sense — future and desired foundations of these bilateral relations. Also comprehended in the field of interest is the question of the interpretation of the 1903 convention^ the evolution of Panama's attitude towards its principal terms and also certain legal modifications. The last two sections deal with the story of the negotiations lastingover many years and also the analysis of the currently binding agreements on the Panama Canal. Attention is drawn to the internal and international determinants governing the attitudes of the two sides. The author evaluates the new foundation of US — Panama relations in finding answers to the question: to what degree have the three groups of already historical controversies between the two sides been eliminated. These involve: 1) the legal and factual position of the Canal Zone; 2) the legal situation of the canal; 3) the rights held by USA extending over the whole Panamese relations results from the overcoming of a certain barrier, impossilbe to surmount in the earlier period, which determined the limiting (referring both to intentions and also to pacts negotiated) to modification of the Hay — Bunau-Varilla agreements without making any changes in its basic terms. In this sense the actual treaties are an incomparable qualitative state (chiefly due to annulling the clause on the permanence and titular sovereignty of Panama over the Canal Zone) that is achieveable due to the determination of the Torrijos government and also of the Carter administration. The present situation is of a clearly temporary character (up to 2000 AD). Although many anachronistic regulations have been annulled and in many cases conditions for cooperation have been created, intractable problems for the future are discernible. These result from the different interpretations by the two sides of the function of the Panama Canal. Panama aims to extract maximum direct and indirect advantages from the canal. As a small country its policy is to achieve demilitarisation and neutrality understood as the elimination of foreign bases and the obtaining of international guarantees safeguarding against external intervention. For the USA the economic question, although important (the advantages are rather indirect), does not play such a dominant role. Moreover, the canal itself has a strategic significance, the more so in view Of the lack of stability in Central America. From the aspect of Panamese rights further doubts are raised by the plans for building a canal at sea level. Among the varied problems to be confronted in the coming decade, these major items are most likely to govern US — Panama relations: the economic viability, of exploiting the canal, the method of implementing its strategic function and matters relating to the plans for building a new canal.
OIL RESERCHES ON THE SOUTHERN BALTIC AREA AND PROTECTION OF NATURAL ENVIRONMENT Summary The paper deals with prospects of search for hydrocarbons in the South Baltic Sea and measures taken against possibility of natural environment pollution. Up to date, on the East European Platform, the best results have been achieved in the Soviet Baltic Republics where 25 oil deposits have been discovered. The main productive horizons belong to Middle Cambrian, only few are of Ordovician origin and none has been found neither in the Silurian nor in the Upper Palaeozoic and Mesozoic which are considered non productive. The are few small oil deposits discovered in Gotland, and a Middle Cambrian oil deposit of Dembki – Żarnowiec located in the Łeba (Uplift) in Poland. On the Epicaledonian Central European Platform, there are many onshore oil and gas deposits in Poland, GDR and FRG. The gas deposits were discovered in Lower and Upper Carboniferous and Rotliegendes when oil deposits were found in Zechstein Main Dolomite. Since 1975 "Petrobaltic" has been searching for oil and gas in the Polish, GDR and Soviet sectors of the Baltic Sea. The search resulted in discoveries of a few oil and gas deposits in the Middle Cambrian sediments. The reserves of those deposits are estimated as over 20 million tons. There is no success yet in searching for oil and gas in the western part of the Baltic Sea on the Epicaledonian Platform. According to the recent seismic and geologic results, the majority of prospective structures in the Baltic Sea is explored already, and in Author's opinion, the remaining ones are of similar or even inferior quality. Therefore, before the next step of exploration will be taken, it is necessary to comprehensive analysis of all economic, geologic and naturalistic factors. According to the resolution of the International Convention held in Helsinki (1974), the natural environment of the Baltic Sea should be strictly protected by all Baltic States. This resolution imposes compulsory ventures to the offshore exploration, especially against possibility of sea, bottom and shore pollution when drilling and testing wells on discovered deposits. The regulations valid for the offshore exploration are met by construction of the "Petrobaltic" drilling platform. The well is protected by cemented pipe columns with special high pressure valves and anti-explosion preventers; mud circulation and wastes are hermetically closed in special system consisting of pipes, filters, separators and tanks. Those devices despite of its high quality, do not exclude the possibility of uncontrolled eruption and spilling of oil and gas. This was the reason why the Soviet Union government in 1986 gave up the exploitation of offshore oil deposit discovered near Kuronian Sand-Bar with its unique Natural Park.