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The Evolution of Ideas About Freedom of Thought. Philosophical-Legal Approach "Thought is free," said Marcus Tullius Cicero in the first century BC. The international society managed to give legal content to the famous quote only at the end of the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century. Thanks to the titanic efforts of the notorious personalities of all time, philosophers and jurists, mankind has included freedom of thought in the list of fundamental freedoms and civil rights, which belong to every person from birth and which the state cannot deprive. Freedom of thought is an essential condition of a democratic society, of a rule of law. Moreover, this absolutely justified can be considered as the most important value of a prosperous society. Being fully exploited freedom of thought brings benefits only to the individual and to society as a whole. "Gândirea este liberă" afirma Marcus Tullius Cicero în secolul I î.e.n. Societatea internaţională a reuşit să dea conţinut juridic celebrului citat abia la sfârşitul secolului XIX, începutul secolului XX. Datorită eforturilor titanice ale personalităţilor notorii ale tuturor timpurilor, filozofi şi jurişti, omenirea a înscris libertatea de gândire în lista libertăţilor şi drepturilor civile fundamentale, care aparţin fiecărei persoane din momentul naşterii şi de care statul n-o poate priva. Libertatea de gândire este o condiţie esenţială a unei societăţi democratice, a unui stat de drept. Mai mult, aceasta absolut justificat poate fi considerată drept cea mai importantă valoare a unei societăţi prospere. Fiind valorificată plenar, libertatea de gândire aduce doar beneficii, atât individului, cât şi societăţii în ansamblu.

At the end of World War I, Germany was neither politically, nor culturally
"attendable", for most of the European countries. In this context, one of the main
cultural aims of the Weimar Republic will be the resumption of the cultural and
academic relations with other countries. The foreign students were invested with a
major role in this respect. The Weimar Republic has taken institutional and financial
steps in order to intensify the student migration and to repopulate its universities
with foreign students, measures that have paid off in the mid 20s. In 1925, the
percentage of foreign students in Germany reached again the pre-war level. The
groups of foreign students best represented in the German universities were the
Romanians, the Bulgarians and the Polish. The paper also takes a look at the
evolution of the foreign students in Germany during 1918-1933, focusing on their
country of origin, the preferred institutions of higher education and fields of study,
as well as on the presence of female students from foreign countries in Germany.

The study focuses on the analysis of a minor literature selection. My application, being determined by the nature of the selected theme (the major historical literature, which offers important interpretative reference points, usually does not appeal to the repertory characteristic of the historiographic and mythologizing imagery), is also conditioned by a personal concern pertaining to the resurgence, in recent years, of this type of imagery that usually affects the perception of historicity as well as the structuring of civil society. The themes of postcommunist Dacianism represent a thin catalog of theories and motives, which primarily aim to the reinvention of the traditional historiographic discourse through the reinterpretation of the older or more recent archaeological discoveries from a Dacianist perspective. The anti-Semitic themes from the post-communist discourse disseminated especially in connection to the instauration of the communist regime in Romania, are connected to the new radicalisms as well. Publishers that promote nationalist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, and fictional along with historical Dacianist literature are also responsible for the dissemination of extremist ideas using Dacianist rhetoric. This minor literature, ignored by the academic establishment, but benefiting from a large segment of culture consumers, has had appeal especially among adolescents attracted by the soteriological profile of Dacian heroes. The influence of texts can be explained by the manner in which major themes of the national historical discourse are vulgarized and reinterpreted from the perspective of some rhetoric of crises. The search for heroes in an ancient and hypothetical "golden age" (we refer to the Pelasgic Empire) is part of the already obsolete repertoire of mythological reconstructions. The refuge in the past (in fact, a sign of maladjustment and the inability for social and identitary reformulation) and sacrifice become the reference points for the socio-cultural behavior proposed in a world, which is considered hostile and conspiring. Anti-Semitic attitudes go hand in hand with the instances of identitary exacerbation produced on the traditional basis of victimology, on the Orthodoxist-Dacianist exaltations. We cannot but to be astonished by the nationalist mixture, which paradoxically combine Dacianism and Orthodoxism, or Dacianism and alternative religions, the latter occurrence being also violently anti-Semitic through its rejection of Judaism as a subversive and unilateral religion. In conclusion, post-communist Dacianism (promoted especially by the Dacia Revival International Society ), as an answer to the identitary crisis, fits into the autochtonist historiographic trend, while more radical approaches (see the extremist publications and the books recently published especially by the "Obiectiv" Publishing House from Craiova) are somehow closely related to both the "interwar prophetism", which they vulgarize, and to the legionary mystique too.

Vol. 1: Populatie - structura demografica. (Übers.: Bevölkerung - demographische Struktur.) - Bucuresti: Comisia Nationala pentru Statistica, 1994. - LVI, 991 S.; Vol. 2: Populatie - structura social-economica. (Übers.: Bevölkerung - sozio-ökonomische Struktur.) - Bucuresti: Comisia Nationala pentru Statistica, 1994. - LXXIX, 967 S.; Vol. 3: Cladiri - locuinte - gospodarii. (Übers.: Gebäude - Wohnungen - Haushalte.) - Bucuresti: Comisia Nationala pentru Statistica, 1994. - XL, 971 S

Territorial-administrative delimitation is a system of territorial organization, which serves as a legal basis for the functioning of local administrative institutions. Effectiveness of these institutions depends from rationality of territorial-administrative delimitation. Territorial-administrative delimitation follows location of local public administrative authorities at the first and second levels in a specific territorial, juridical and administrative framework for effective administration of locality, and in order to achieve principles of local autonomy and decentralization of public services. Under the chronological aspect, the process of territorial-administrative delimitation of the Republic of Moldova went through three distinct phases within two decades of independence: The first phase - perpetuation of centralized territorial-administrative delimitation of soviet type, which embraces the periods from declaration of Independence up to entry into force the Law no. 191 - XIV from 12.11.1998. Second phase - trying to build territorial-administrative system in the spirit of the principles of decentralization, which lasted from the date of entering into force of the Law no. 191 - XIV from 12.11.1998 until 29.01.2002, the date of entering into force of the Law no. 764191 - XIV from 27.12.2001. Third phase – returning to central territorial-administrative delimitation, which starts on 29.01.2002 and lasts till present. It is an axiom that the Republic of Moldova must give up the soviet system of territorial-administrative delimitation. It is more complicate to find the ideal model, which will correspond to new provocations that will face the Republic of Moldova in future. Determination of territorial limits of local collectivities is a very complex work and depends from a lot of facts. That is why, the judicious delimitation of territorial limits of local collectivities is important to consider the following moments: 1. Being by nature a matter of national interest, changing array of administrative organization of the territory of the state should be a result of public debates, determinedly with large participation of local authorities at the both levels as well as with citizens. 2. Territorial-administrative delimitation should be realized in a perspective of overall society development, as well as objectives and duties, which will return to administrative system in future. 3. The option for special model of territorial-administrative organization should be a result of one deep scientific survey. 4. For the delimitation of territorial-administrative units (as a number, structure, dimension, etc) can not be neglected social, material, financial and other nature costs, for short, medium or long term, that these activities involve and which the society must face. 5. Studying different models and practices of territorial organization of local autonomy has a great importance. Analyzing international practices in a matter of territorial delimitation, consequences of various options of local structures, such as studying arguments pro or contra of these structures in different states gave us the opportunity to establish that the process of territorial delimitation is determined not only by objective factors, but also by the subjective.

In the article the author tackles a contemporary issue that is important for institutional strengthening of the Republic of Moldova. Developing a mechanism for efficient interaction of institutions of state power with political parties, ruling ones and in opposition, with the groups of interests, especially those institutional and associative, represents a strategic objective for the Republic of Moldova. Assessing institutions with "rules of the game", the contemporary political science updates the significance of the Constitution for organisation and good unfolding of the political process, for ensuring stability and at the same time dynamism of the socio-political system. The conclusions of the investigation of complex issues like dynamic political processes, functionality of political institutions in conditions of instability / political crisis, contain an educational, instructive message, important for the political actors of the Moldovan society.