This article explores the development of international relations (IR) in Indonesia with special focus on the changing trends in its theoretical perspectives. It argues that the academic works examined reflect the ways in which Indonesia's IR scholars perceive and theorize the nature of the dynamics of external political environments and their connections to the state's foreign relations. The argument is elaborated in two related parts. The first section discusses the theoretical perspectives that developed during the Cold War period, which focuses on the propensity toward historical realism and regionalism. The second part of the discussion examines recent developments in which Cold War perspectives have been reconsidered, and in many respects modified into three new categories of theoretical thinking, namely reform, resistance, and eclecticism. The changing theoretical trends reveal that Indonesia's IR scholarship is open and innovative. The conclusion comments on the development of the Indonesia's IR.
The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.
This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.
The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.
Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.
Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insucient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To ll the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.
Dinamis komitmen Masyarakat Internasional dalam isu kontrol atas pemanasan global telah dikembangkan sejak tahun 1919 sampai sekarang. Dari daftar perjanjian - perjanjian internasional yang ada, dapat dilihat seberapa kuat komitmen komunitas global dalam isu-isu lingkungan, pemanasan global serta perubahan iklim. Sayangnya, dapat disimpulkan, bahwa perjanjian-perjanjian internasional begitu terfragmentasi dan oleh karena itu, sulit untuk dilaksanakan membandingkan dengan instrumen hukum lingkungan internasional pada umumnya. Namun, kemauan politik dari negara nasional adalah inti untuk membuat agenda internasional. Hal ini dikarenakan niat yang baik dari suatu pemerintahan dapat membawa hal yang baik bagi negara maupun rakyatnya, khususnya lagi dalam pengendalian global warming.Sehingga dalam hal ini negara juga mempunyai peranan dalam mewujudkan kelestarian lingkungan bagi rakyatnya, hal ini juga secara tidak langsung merupakan bagian dari kewajiban negara untuk menjaga stabilitas dan kelangsungan hidup rakyat dan kelestarian sumber daya alam yang di kandung negara tersebut, demi kesejahteraan dan kemakmuran seluruh rakyat.
The study aims to uncover the actor and political interests behind the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) in Indonesia. Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study examines the reason of why Indonesia adopts IFRS. The study finds that the adoption of IFRS in Indonesia is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in IFAC, IOSCO, and the G-20 has resulted in Indonesia approved the use of global accounting standards.
The study aims to uncover the actor and political interests behind the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standard (IFRS) in Indonesia. Using the accounting ecology framework developed by Gernon and Wallace (1995), this study examines the reason of why Indonesia adopts IFRS. The study finds that the adoption of IFRS in Indonesia is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in IFAC, IOSCO, and the G-20 has resulted in Indonesia approved the use of global accounting standards.
This paper analyses the important of regional investment agreements for promoting international trade in ASEAN countries. To visualize the above idea, this work will explain the roles of regional investment agreements to serve investment, trade facilitation and to protect regional investment interests. It is argued that regional investment agreements can serve as a vehicle for dialogue, coordination on and to response regional issues including regulatory harmonization, infrastructure development, and collaboration among members to facilitate investment. The paper shows how regional agreements will commit to eliminate barriers on substantially trade and investment, create positive welfare gains, the productivity and stimulus to growth in the region. This paper also analyses the effect of the establishment of an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 to the regional investment policies. AEC aiming at transforming ASEAN into a single market and production base with a highly competitive economic region, equitable economic development, free movement of goods, services, investment, skilled labor, and freer flow of capital, will likely accelerate regional integration and cooperation in the investment sectors fully integrated into the international trade. Then, this work demonstrates the implementation of regional investment cooperation into the formal instruments/agreements of investment policy architecture promoting and protecting cross border investment among nationals of ASEAN member states, such as ASEAN Investment Guarantee Agreement (IGA), the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA) and ASEAN Comprehensive Investment Agreement (ACIA). However, it is realized that the ASEAN members may resist and protest against the regional investment agreements because of conflicting their national interest. The paper proposed that the regional inv stment agreements need to be strengthened by harmonization and structural adjustment due to the member's resistance and protest. This idea may spark challenge because each member has fundamental differences on the nature and character of legal and economic systems reflecting different political systems, economic and social cultures in accordance with the philosophy of life values and national interests of each country. To overcome the challenge, this paper argues that ASEAN member countries need to unilaterally and collectively come up with structuring trade and investment policy harmonization to move ahead and reap the benefits from regional investment agreement as a common tool for contesting their interest in international trade. In addition, pre agreed flexibilities to accommodate the interests of all ASEAN countries may eliminate the problem.
The participation of non-state actors to international politics has been investigated since the creation of international institutions. Yet, the rules, principles and norms of global governance are no more discussed in single, isolated institutions. Rather, with the proliferation of international regimes and organisations, international issues are now negotiated in a context of institutional interactions known as "regime complexes". This poses new questions, in particular on the negotiation burden that these new processes place on international actors. To answer this question, this contribution compares non-state participation in both contexts (single regimes and regime complexes), using the international forest negotiations as a case study. It uses quantitative methods to measure the negotiation burden of single regimes and compare it to the negotiation burden of regime complexes. The negotiation burden of single regimes is found insignificant with political interest being the major motivation for participation, while the negotiation burden of regime complexes is found relevant, requiring a certain type of material and organisational resources for non-state actors to participate. Yet a certain diversity of non-state representation is maintained within regime complexes, with non-governmental organisations being dominant with respect to business groups.
While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.
This research aims to provide an explanation of CSR in Indonesia by proving that CSR mediates the influence of international experiences on firm value. This study is explanatory research with non-service sector companies listed on IDX in 2010-2012 as the population. The sampling was conducted using the saturated sampling method. Moreover, the method of analysis used was SEM (based on variance). The result of the study suggests that CSR disclosure mediates the influence of international experiences on firm value. In addition, the result of this study implies that companies should implement and report CSR accordingly, especially companies that run export trade, as it would have a positive impact on firm value. For the government, through the stock market regulator, it is crucial to provide guidance in making CSR report in detail by referring to GRI that has been universally accepted, in order to be used for economic decision making for stakeholders.
The refugee crisis is a global problem that needs serious attention. Responsibility-sharing is a core tenet of international responses to refugee crises. However, global governance, within the framework of the global refugee regime, is often practically ineffective to respond such problems. In this aspect, conceptual evaluation and reform are needed. In this particular momentum, civil society groups are able to be involved, in both performance evaluation and framework formulation related to global governance on refugees. One of the formal form of civil society is a non-governmental organization (NGO). Amnesty International is one of the NGOs involved in the process of evaluating and reforming global governance on refugees. This article aims to find out the form of Amnesty International's involvement in global governance on refugees. This study used descriptive-qualitative method. The findings in this article are that Amnesty International has a direct involvement in order to evaluate and to reform the global governance framework related to refugees through the 2016 UN High Summit for Refugee and Migrant. This involvement was demonstrated through performance evaluations and proposals for more genuine responsibility-sharing, both at the conceptual and technical level. Amnesty International in this involvement pursued an agenda that has two dimensions, namely: the dimension of institutional evolution and the agenda dimension.
This study aims to determine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange to the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). This study will examine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange during the periods 2007-2010 and 2012-2015. The variables used in this study are IFRS and foreign ownership. It finds that the obligation of IFRS does not affect the development of foreign investment in Indonesia, because accounting standards in Indonesia have been adjusted to IFRS since 2008 and investment decisions are not only influenced by standard accounting policies, but also by other factors, such as the economic and political conditions of a country. This study is motivated by the results of previous studies regarding the reaction of foreign ownership of IFRS adoption, which is still controversial. Some studies suggest that IFRS adoption increases information appeal and can attract foreign investment, while other research states that IFRS adoption will not necessarily increase the number of shares held by foreign investors.