Suchergebnisse

The Country Opinion Survey in Côte d'Ivoire assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Côte d'Ivoire perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Côte d'Ivoire on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Côte d'Ivoire; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Côte d'Ivoire; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Côte d'Ivoire; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Côte d'Ivoire.

The Country Opinion Survey in Macedonia assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Macedonia perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral and bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Macedonia on: 1) their views regarding the general environment in Macedonia; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Macedonia; 3) overall impressions of the WBGs effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Macedonia; and 4) their perceptions of the WBGs future role in Macedonia.

The Country Opinion Survey in OECS assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in OECS perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in OECS on 1) their views regarding the general environment in OECS; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in OECS; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in OECS; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in OECS.

La cátedra Jean Monnet es una cátedra universitaria otorgada por la Comisión Europea en el marco de su plan de acción. Tienen como objetivo reforzar la docencia y la investigación sobre la integración europea en las universidades, tanto de los Estados miembros como de terceros países. Su nombre hace honor a quien fuera un político francés que, como asesor de Robert Schuman, contribuyó decisivamente a poner los cimientos de las entonces Comunidades Europeas. -- La primera etapa de esta publicación concluyó en el año 2018, comenzó una segunda época en el año 2019 con el nombre Revista "Integración Regional y Derechos Humanos". -- Anexo Jurisprudencial.

This working paper presents the findings and conclusions of a review of the resourcing approach and related actions to implement the World Bank's 2007 Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) strategy. The strategy paper noted that the World Bank Group (WBG) had been 'actively engaged' for at least the past decade in each of the areas of action at the country level as outlined in the strategy. The strategy paper and implementation plan listed a large number of implementation activities. But there was no attempt made, given the Bank's continuous GAC work, to clearly identify: a starting point or baseline of activities that pre-dated the strategy and which would continue to be funded by the existing large Bank budgetary spending on governance work; and a prioritized set of incremental activities that required funding through additional bank budget or trust funds. The strategy paper did not indicate any priority activities for financing; it also did not mention the Bank budget as a source of funding and emphasized non-traditional funding mechanisms (external sources of funding) in general terms for work at the country level.

La Recopilación está dividida en siete Tratados ; fuera de los Preliminares, que contienen la lei fundamental constitutiva de 1831, la Constitucion de 1843, la lei de publicacion i ejecucion de esta, i las dos leyes que han dado existencia á la presente obra. El Tratado primero, que aproximativamente pudiera llamarse de alto gobierno, réjimen político i fomento interior, está subdividido en seis partes. La 1a. parte encierra las leyes de carácter mas jeneral i nacional ; de homenajes á la grata memoria de los mártires i fundadores de la Independencia ; sobre pabellón, escudo de armas, censo, elecciones ; i las que con especialidad conciernen á los poderes lejislativo i ejecutivo : la 2a. parte las del rejimen gubernativo seccional i réjimen municipal : la 3a. las relativas á órden público i policía : la 4a. sobre vias de comunicación : la 5a. sobre industria, colonización é inmigracion : i la 6a. sobre indíjenas i esclavos. El Tratado segundo abraza todo el ramo judicial en cuatro partes : 1a. organización : 2a. juicios civiles : 3a. juicios criminales : 4a. penas i establecimientos de castigo. El Tratado tercero comprende en dos partes las leyes vijentes en el ramo de enseñanza pública. El tratado cuarto se versa sobre los negocios eclesiásticos, subdividido en cuatro partes. Parte 1a. patronato i negocios diocesanos : 2a. feligresías i misiones : 3a. órdenes religiosos : 4a. disposiciones pontificias que tienen fuerza de lei. En el Tratado quinto está reunida la lejislacion de hacienda i mercantil. Parte 1a. leyes jenerales de hacienda, i sobre recaudacion, distribucion i contabilidad de las rentas del Estado : 2a. crédito nacional : 3a. leyes sobre navegacion i comercio : 4a. rentas internas. El Tratado sesto se contrae al ramo militar, en dos partes ; á saber : 1a. organización, servicio i administracion : 2a. instrucción, abonos, premios, i actos especiales de honores i recompensas. El tratado sétimo i último hace relacion al negociado de relaciones esteriores : 1a. parte, leyes de este ramo : 2a. parte, tratados públicos. Si todos estos tratados tienen ó no fuerza de lei en la Nueva Granada, no es punto de la competencia del editor de la Recopilación ; 541 p.

Acknowledgements A full list of acknowledgments appears in the Supplementary Note 4. Co-author A.J.M.d.C. recently passed away while this work was in process. This work was performed under the auspices of the Genetic Investigation of ANthropometric Traits (GIANT) consortium. We acknowledge the Cohorts for Heart and Aging Research in Genomic Epidemiology (CHARGE) Consortium for encouraging CHARGE studies to participate in this effort and for the contributions of CHARGE members to the analyses conducted for this research. Funding for this study was provided by the Aase and Ejner Danielsens Foundation; Academy of Finland (41071, 77299, 102318, 110413, 117787, 121584, 123885, 124243, 124282, 126925, 129378, 134309, 286284); Accare Center for Child and Adolescent Psychiatry; Action on Hearing Loss (G51); Agence Nationale de la 359 Recherche; Agency for Health Care Policy Research (HS06516); ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg; ALFEDIAM; ALK-Abelló A/S; Althingi; American Heart Association (13POST16500011); Amgen; Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies; Ardix Medical; Arthritis Research UK; Association Diabète Risque Vasculaire; Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (241944, 339462, 389875, 389891, 389892, 389927, 389938, 442915, 442981, 496739, 552485, 552498); Avera Institute; Bayer Diagnostics; Becton Dickinson; BHF (RG/14/5/30893); Boston Obesity Nutrition Research Center (DK46200), Bristol-Myers Squibb; British Heart Foundation (RG/10/12/28456, RG2008/08, RG2008/014, SP/04/002); Medical Research Council of Canada; Canadian Institutes for Health Research (FRCN-CCT-83028); Cancer Research UK; Cardionics; Cavadis B.V., Center for Medical Systems Biology; Center of Excellence in Genomics; CFI; CIHR; City of Kuopio; CNAMTS; Cohortes Santé TGIR; Contrat de Projets État-Région; Croatian Science Foundation (8875); Danish Agency for Science, Technology and Innovation; Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF-1333-00124, DFF-1331-00730B); County Council of Dalarna; Dalarna University; Danish Council for Strategic Research; Danish Diabetes Academy; Danish Medical Research Council; Department of Health, UK; Development Fund from the University of Tartu (SP1GVARENG); Diabetes Hilfs- und Forschungsfonds Deutschland; Diabetes UK; Diabetes Research and Wellness Foundation Fellowship; Donald W. Reynolds Foundation; Dr Robert Pfleger-Stiftung; Dutch Brain Foundation; Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation; Dutch Inter University Cardiology Institute; Dutch Kidney Foundation (E033); Dutch Ministry of Justice; the DynaHEALTH action No. 633595, Economic Structure Enhancing Fund of the Dutch Government; Else Kröner-Fresenius-Stiftung (2012_A147, P48/08//A11/08); Emil Aaltonen Foundation; Erasmus University Medical Center Rotterdam; Erasmus MC and Erasmus University Rotterdam; the Municipality of Rotterdam; Estonian Government (IUT20-60, IUT24-6); Estonian Research Roadmap through the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research (3.2.0304.11-0312); European Research Council (ERC Starting Grant and 323195:SZ-245 50371-GLUCOSEGENES-FP7-IDEAS-ERC); European Regional Development Fund; European Science Foundation (EU/QLRT-2001-01254); European Commission (018947, 018996, 201668, 223004, 230374, 279143, 284167, 305739, BBMRI-LPC-313010, HEALTH-2011.2.4.2-2-EU-MASCARA, HEALTH-2011-278913, HEALTH-2011-294713-EPLORE, HEALTH-F2-2008-201865-GEFOS, HEALTH-F2-2013-601456, HEALTH-F4-2007-201413, HEALTH-F4-2007-201550-HYPERGENES, HEALTH-F7-305507 HOMAGE, IMI/115006, LSHG-CT-2006-018947, LSHG-CT-2006-01947, LSHM-CT-2004-005272, LSHM-CT-2006-037697, LSHM-CT-2007-037273, QLG1-CT-2002-00896, QLG2-CT-2002-01254); Faculty of Biology and Medicine of Lausanne; Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01ZZ0103, 01ZZ0403, 01ZZ9603, 03IS2061A, 03ZIK012); Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; Fédération Française de Cardiologie; Finnish Cultural Foundation; Finnish Diabetes Association; Finnish Foundation of Cardiovascular Research; Finnish Heart Association; Fondation Leducq; Food Standards Agency; Foundation for Strategic Research; French Ministry of Research; FRSQ; Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the NIH; German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF, 01ER1206, 01ER1507); GlaxoSmithKline; Greek General Secretary of Research and Technology; Göteborg Medical Society; Health and Safety Executive; Healthcare NHS Trust; Healthway; Western Australia; Heart Foundation of Northern Sweden; Helmholtz Zentrum München—German Research Center for Environmental Health; Hjartavernd; Ingrid Thurings Foundation; INSERM; InterOmics (PB05 MIUR-CNR); INTERREG IV Oberrhein Program (A28); Interuniversity Cardiology Institute of the Netherlands (ICIN, 09.001); Italian Ministry of Health (ICS110.1/RF97.71); Italian Ministry of Economy and Finance (FaReBio di Qualità); Marianne and Marcus Wallenberg Foundation; the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports, the Netherlands; J.D.E. and Catherine T, MacArthur Foundation Research Networks on Successful Midlife Development and Socioeconomic Status and Health; Juho Vainio Foundation; Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation International; KfH Stiftung Präventivmedizin e.V.; King's College London; Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation; Kuopio University Hospital; Kuopio, Tampere and Turku University Hospital Medical Funds (X51001); La Fondation de France; Leenaards Foundation; Lilly; LMUinnovativ; Lundberg Foundation; Magnus Bergvall Foundation; MDEIE; Medical Research Council UK (G0000934, G0601966, G0700931, MC_U106179471, MC_UU_12019/1); MEKOS Laboratories; Merck Santé; Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, The Netherlands; Ministry of Cultural Affairs of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; Ministry of Economic Affairs, The Netherlands; Ministry of Education and Culture of Finland (627;2004-2011); Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, The Netherlands; Ministry of Science, Education and Sport in the Republic of Croatia (108-1080315-0302); MRC centre for Causal Analyses in Translational Epidemiology; MRC Human Genetics Unit; MRC-GlaxoSmithKline pilot programme (G0701863); MSD Stipend Diabetes; National Institute for Health Research; Netherlands Brain Foundation (F2013(1)-28); Netherlands CardioVascular Research Initiative (CVON2011-19); Netherlands Genomics Initiative (050-060-810); Netherlands Heart Foundation (2001 D 032, NHS2010B280); Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (ZonMW) (56-464-14192, 60-60600-97-118, 100-001-004, 261-98-710, 400-05-717, 480-04-004, 480-05-003, 481-08-013, 904-61-090, 904-61-193, 911-11-025, 985-10-002, Addiction-31160008, BBMRI–NL 184.021.007, GB-MaGW 452-04-314, GB-MaGW 452-06-004, GB-MaGW 480-01-006, GB-MaGW 480-07-001, GB-MW 940-38-011, Middelgroot-911-09-032, NBIC/BioAssist/RK 2008.024, Spinozapremie 175.010.2003.005, 175.010.2007.006); Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam; NHS Foundation Trust; National Institutes of Health (1RC2MH089951, 1Z01HG000024, 24152, 263MD9164, 263MD821336, 2R01LM010098, 32100-2, 32122, 32108, 5K99HL130580-02, AA07535, AA10248, AA11998, AA13320, AA13321, AA13326, AA14041, AA17688, AG13196, CA047988, DA12854, DK56350, DK063491, DK078150, DK091718, DK100383, DK078616, ES10126, HG004790, HHSN268200625226C, HHSN268200800007C, HHSN268201200036C, HHSN268201500001I, HHSN268201100046C, HHSN268201100001C, HHSN268201100002C, HHSN268201100003C, HHSN268201100004C, HHSN271201100004C, HL043851, HL45670, HL080467, HL085144, HL087660, HL054457, HL119443, HL118305, HL071981, HL034594, HL126024, HL130114, KL2TR001109, MH66206, MH081802, N01AG12100, N01HC55015, N01HC55016, N01C55018, N01HC55019, N01HC55020, N01HC55021, N01HC55022, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086, N01HC95159, N01HC95160, N01HC95161, N01HC95162, N01HC95163, N01HC95164, N01HC95165, N01HC95166, N01HC95167, N01HC95168, N01HC95169, N01HG65403, N01WH22110, N02HL6‐4278, N01-HC-25195, P01CA33619, R01HD057194, R01HD057194, R01AG023629, R01CA63, R01D004215701A, R01DK075787, R01DK062370, R01DK072193, R01DK075787, R01DK089256, R01HL53353, R01HL59367, R01HL086694, R01HL087641, R01HL087652, R01HL103612, R01HL105756, R01HL117078, R01HL120393, R03 AG046389, R37CA54281, RC2AG036495, RC4AG039029, RPPG040710371, RR20649, TW008288, TW05596, U01AG009740, U01CA98758, U01CA136792, U01DK062418, U01HG004402, U01HG004802, U01HG007376, U01HL080295, UL1RR025005, UL1TR000040, UL1TR000124, UL1TR001079, 2T32HL007055-36, T32GM074905, HG002651, HL084729, N01-HC-25195, UM1CA182913); NIH, National Institute on Aging (Intramural funding, NO1-AG-1-2109); Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces; Novartis Pharma; Novo Nordisk; Novo Nordisk Foundation; Nutricia Research Foundation (2016-T1); ONIVINS; Parnassia Bavo group; Pierre Fabre; Province of Groningen; Päivikki and Sakari Sohlberg Foundation; Påhlssons Foundation; Paavo Nurmi Foundation; Radboud Medical Center Nijmegen; Research Centre for Prevention and Health, the Capital Region of Denmark; the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly; Research into Ageing; Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center; Roche; Royal Society; Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043); Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository (NIMH U24 MH068457-06); Sanofi-Aventis; Scottish Government Health Directorates, Chief Scientist Office (CZD/16/6); Siemens Healthcare; Social Insurance Institution of Finland (4/26/2010); Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; Société Francophone du 358 Diabète; State of Bavaria; Stiftelsen för Gamla Tjänarinnor; Stockholm County Council (560183, 592229); Strategic Cardiovascular and Diabetes Programmes of Karolinska Institutet and Stockholm County Council; Stroke Association; Swedish Diabetes Association; Swedish Diabetes Foundation (2013-024); Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research; Swedish Heart-Lung Foundation (20120197, 20150711); Swedish Research Council (0593, 8691, 2012-1397, 2012-1727, and 2012-2215); Swedish Society for Medical Research; Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics; Swiss National Science Foundation (3100AO-116323/1, 31003A-143914, 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, 33CS30-148401, 51RTP0_151019); Tampere Tuberculosis Foundation; Technology Foundation STW (11679); The Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek Vlaanderen, Ministry of the Flemish Community (G.0880.13, G.0881.13); The Great Wine Estates of the Margaret River Region of Western Australia; Timber Merchant Vilhelm Bangs Foundation; Topcon; Tore Nilsson Foundation; Torsten and Ragnar Söderberg's Foundation; United States – Israel Binational Science Foundation (Grant 2011036), Umeå University; University Hospital of Regensburg; University of Groningen; University Medical Center Groningen; University of Michigan; University of Utrecht; Uppsala Multidisciplinary Center for Advanced Computational Science (UPPMAX) (b2011036); Velux Foundation; VU University's Institute for Health and Care Research; Västra Götaland Foundation; Wellcome Trust (068545, 076113, 079895, 084723, 088869, WT064890, WT086596, WT098017, WT090532, WT098051, 098381); Wissenschaftsoffensive TMO; Yrjö Jahnsson Foundation; and Åke Wiberg Foundation. The views expressed in this manuscript are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI); the National Institutes of Health (NIH); or the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF

Billions in corrupt assets, complex money trails, strings of shell companies and other spurious legal structures. These form the complex web of subterfuge in corruption cases, behind which hides the beneficial owner- the Puppet Master and beneficiary of it all. Linking the beneficial owner to the proceeds of corruption is notoriously hard. With sizable wealth and resources on their side, they exploit transnational constructions that are hard to penetrate and stay aggressively ahead of the game. Nearly all cases of grand corruption have one thing in common. They rely on corporate vehicles- lega

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report examines the institutional set-up for and use of regulatory policy instruments in Zambia. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Tanzania). The report is based on a review of public documents prepared by the government, donors, and the private sector, and on a limited number of interviews with key institutions and individuals.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report analyses the institutional set-up and use of regulatory policy instruments in Uganda. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda and Zambia), and represents an attempt to apply assessment tools and the framework developed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in its work on regulatory capacity and performance to developing countries.

The geopolitical repercussions from the war in Ukraine continue to reverberate across Eurasia.With global attention preoccupied by Moscow's invasion of Ukraine, Azerbaijan has been depriving the estimated 120,000 ethnic Armenian population in the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh access to humanitarian aid in a blockade that has lasted over eight months and has recently intensified. Much to Armenia's consternation, the 2,000 Russian peacekeeping forces stationed in the enclave since the most recent round of fighting in 2020 have appeared ineffective in the face of increasing Azerbaijani pressure against the besieged Armenian population.As a result, Armenia is openly seeking to diversify its security relationship away from Russia, its longstanding ally, including conducting joint military drills with the United States in Armenia that began Monday and is set to end on September 20.Yerevan, Armenia's capital, has increasingly expressed a sense of betrayal at Moscow's inability, or unwillingness, to lend support to its treaty ally since last September when Azerbaijani armed forces attacked Armenia's internationally recognized territory and where they still occupy 10 square kilometers, according to Armenian officials.The Backdrop of Current TensionsThe two former Soviet Republics fought the First Nagorno-Karabakh War during the early 1990s after the indigenous Armenian majority in the autonomous oblast proclaimed their independence from the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic. Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a full-scale war broke out between the two newly independent countries, eventually leaving tens of thousands casualties dead and hundreds of thousands displaced between 1992 and 1994. The war ended with a victory by Armenia.A Russian-brokered ceasefire resulted in Armenian control of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions of Azerbaijan proper. The United Nations and international community, however, continued to recognize Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan.After over 25 years of unsuccessful negotiations under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group co-chaired by the U.S., France, and Russia, Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev, bolstered by the "brotherly" military support from NATO member Turkey and years of stockpiling Israel-supplied weapons, launched an all-out assault to recapture the disputed territory in September 2020. The 44-day war saw Azerbaijan secure a military victory with further territorial gains guaranteed under a Moscow-brokered ceasefire, leaving a rump self-governing Nagorno-Karabakh Republic alongside a Russian peacekeeping contingent as stipulated by the November 2020 ceasefire agreement. That agreement also guaranteed that a link between the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave and Armenia, the Lachin Corridor, would be sustained and controlled by the Russian peacekeeping contingent. The status of Nagorno-Karabakh and its inhabitants remained unresolved. Last December, however, Baku effectively blockaded the Lachin Corridor and, five months later, it established a checkpoint on the road, formalizing the blockade. While the European Union, Russia, the U.S., and even the International Court of Justice have increasingly called for lifting the blockade, Azerbaijan remains defiant. The Azerbaijan foreign ministry insists that claims of a blockade are "completely baseless" and has accused Armenians of transporting arms into the territory, a claim Yerevan denies. Nevertheless, even the International Committee of the Red Cross struggles to continue its vital deliveries into the territory, resulting in what several United Nations Special Rapporteurs describe as a "dire humanitarian crisis." There were hopes the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh, which has been at the heart of the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, would be resolved by negotiations facilitated by a complementary EU and U.S. approach (although a separate track by Moscow also persists). However, the ongoing blockade has dimmed hopes for a viable negotiated settlement. Current TensionsThe war in Ukraine has drained the Kremlin's military resources and room for maneuver, especially in a region like the South Caucasus where Russia vies with Turkey for regional hegemony. Moscow's increased reliance on Ankara over the last 18 months to balance against the West diplomatically has resulted in its inability to fulfill its own obligations in the ceasefire agreement following the 2020 war. Given this new reality, Armenia has started to hedge against Moscow by actively searching for new military partners and security guarantors. The publicity surrounding Eagle Partner 2023, the Armenian-hosted joint military exercise with the U.S., clearly worries the Kremlin, which has said it would "deeply analyze" the latest events. However, these exercises are "narrowly focused on peacekeeping operations" and do not represent a "breakthrough in U.S.-Armenia defense cooperation," according to Benyamin Poghosyan, senior fellow at APRI, a Yerevan-based think tank. Nevertheless, the exercises follow Armenia's refusal in January to host Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization exercises on its territory, citing the organization's unwillingness to support Yerevan during last September's escalation by Azerbaijan. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, has recently made a distinctly public effort to distance itself from Russian actions in Ukraine and even from Moscow itself. In just the last weeks Yerevan has moved to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and recalled its ambassador to the CSTO. Pashinyan said depending solely on Russia for security was a "strategic mistake." Pashinyan's spouse, Anna Hakobyan, traveled to Kyiv last week and delivered the first package of Armenian humanitarian aid to Ukraine. However, the fact remains that only Russia has sent peacekeepers to Nagorno-Karabakh, and that these peacekeepers are all that stands between the local Armenian population and Azerbaijani conquest, almost certainly leading to massacre and expulsion. As Poghosyan sees it, the driving cause behind a potential new attack is "Azerbaijan's desire to establish control over Nagorno Karabakh without providing any status or special rights to Armenians." This aligns with the view of Shujat Ahmadzada, a Baku-based researcher on foreign and security policies of the South Caucasus countries, who believes Azerbaijan is pursuing a "3D policy" with regard to Nagorno-Karabakh. The three D's stand for "De-internationalization, De-territorialization, and De-institutionalization." Such a process is intended to transform the status of the ethnic Armenians living there into a "purely 'internal matter' of Azerbaijan'' while "incorporating the self-governing institutions into the Azerbaijani political system in such a way that there is no single territorially defined unit for the ethnic Armenian community." While the deployment of over 80 U.S. troops on Armenian soil will hopefully guarantee against imminently anticipated Azerbaijani attacks on Nagorno-Karabakh or Armenia itself, Washington's move in a region Moscow has long viewed as a vital interest does not come without risk. Moscow views Washington's increased involvement as the Biden administration taking advantage of Russia's war in Ukraine in order to weaken or challenge its influence in the South Caucasus region, where Russia has a history of over 200 years of regional military domination. The latest American proposal for unblocking the Lachin Corridor plans to simultaneously open an alternative route to Nagorno-Karabakh through the Azerbaijani town of Aghdam. However, Armenians have regarded this proposal as a clear threat. Tigran Grigoryan, a Karabakh-born analyst and head of the Regional Center for Democracy and Security, a Yerevan-based think tank, assessed that, even if both the Lachin Corridor and the Aghdam route were to be opened, the potential remained for Baku to again close the corridor and create a "new status quo on the ground." Recent reports show that the first delivery of aid by the Russian Red Cross has entered Nagorno-Karabakh from Azerbaijan. However, the acute crisis in food, energy, and humanitarian supplies continues as the Lachin Corridor remains shut and Azerbaijan continues its buildup along the border regions.The Biden administration would do better to use its leverage over Azerbaijan to ensure an end to the Lachin Corridor blockade while simultaneously working to achieve a solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that would both recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty and provide enforceable guarantees for the future rights and security of the Armenian population there. For such an approach to work would likely require coordination with Russia. While such a scenario might be hard to imagine, Washington and Moscow have worked together in the past over Nagorno-Karabakh, even when relations were severely strained elsewhere. Such coordination is particularly compelling given the tens of thousands in the enclave who currently face famine. Rather than taking steps that Moscow views as threatening to its military presence in the South Caucasus (a process which led to disastrous consequences for neighboring Georgia 15 years ago), Washington, and the region itself, would be better off if American involvement instead demonstrated its commitment to ensuring human rights.

DOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2022/65135 ApresentaçãoMarço 2022 Nossas saudações a todas e todos! Seguimos firmes na esperança de que 2022 seja um ano de mudanças e melhoras na situação do mundo e, particularmente, do Brasil! Aqui, apresentamos o primeiro número do volume 13, do ano de 2022, da Revista Direito e Práxis! Como de costume, trazemos novos manuscritos em todas as nossas seções: artigos inéditos, dossiê, resenhas e traduções! O tema da Covid 19, como não poderia deixar de ser, segue presente, com trabalhos que analisam a pandemia nas suas diferentes conexões: recessão democrática, plataformas digitais e medidas emergenciais. Questões e dilemas político-jurídicos aparecem em artigos que analisam processos de lutas por direitos e, em última instância, da própria democracia. Num contexto mais amplo temos uma revisão crítica do constitucionalismo de 1988, já em contextos mais específicos os artigos trazem estudos consistentes, também de natureza crítica, sobre a questão racial, da violência contra a mulher, do direito à desconexão no mundo do trabalho, do reconhecimento de pessoas trans, da luta parlamentar por direitos dos ciganos. A questão da justiça de transição aparece em abordagens no âmbito dos cenários brasileiro e equatoriano. Questões e políticas de genêro também estão presentes tanto numa abordagem a partir do pluralismo jurídico e do pensamento descolonial quanto numa abordagem institucional do Poder Judiciário. Por fim, a questão da alteridade em sua dimensão política e usos pragmáticos. Sem dúvida, a leitora e o leitor poderão se confrontar com trabalhos provocativos e estimulantes em diferentes perspectivas. No primeiro Dossiê do ano de 2022, organizado cuidadosamente pelas editoras convidadas Carina Calabria e Flavianne Nóbrega, ambas da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, trazemos uma discussão tão importante quanto urgente a respeito da questão indígena, seja por meio de estudos que relatam e denunciam o desrespeito e a violação de direitos, seja por meio de estudos que buscam os mecanismos para a garantia de direitos desses povos originários. São feitas importantes conexões não apenas com o direito, mas também com a antropologia, a sociologia e a política. Questões do bem-viver e de um outro referencial antropológoco nos ajudam a pensar fora dos parâmetros da modernidade colonial e eurocêntrica. Nessa mesma perspectiva segue a tradução do artigo "Escrevendo Além das Distinções" e a resenha do livro Xukuru: memórias e história dos índios da Serra de Ororubá. Como sempre, agradecemos profundamente a todas e todos que contribuíram para mais essa edição da Revista: autoras e autores, tradutoras e tradutores, editoras convidadas. É desse trabalho colaborativo que é feito nossa Revista! Relembramos que as políticas editoriais para as diferentes seções da Revista podem ser acessadas em nossa página e que as submissões são permanentes e sempre bem-vindas! Agradecemos, como sempre, às autoras e aos autores, avaliadoras e avaliadores e colaboradoras e colaboradores pela confiança depositada em nossa publicação. Boa Leitura! Equipe Direito e Práxis***EditorialMarch 2022 Our greetings to all of you! Despite the new conflict in the Ukraine, we stand firm in the hope that 2022 will be a year of changes and improvements in the world situation, and particularly in Brazil! Here we would like to announce the first issue of 2022 of the Journal Law and Praxis (v. 13)! As usual, we bring new manuscripts in all our sections: unpublished articles, dossier, reviews, and translations!The theme of Covid 19, as it could not be otherwise, is still present, with papers that analyze the pandemic in its different connections: democratic recession, digital platforms, and emergency measures. Political-legal issues and dilemmas appear in articles that analyze processes of struggles for rights and, ultimately, democracy itself. In a broader context we have a critical review of constitutionalism of 1988, already in more specific contexts the articles bring consistent studies, also of critical nature, on the issue of race, violence against women, the "right to disconnection" in the world of work, the recognition of transgender people, the parliamentary struggle for rights of the Roma. The issue of transitional justice appears in approaches within the Brazilian and Ecuadorian scenarios. Gender issues and policies are also present both in an approach from legal pluralism and decolonial thinking and in an institutional approach to the Judiciary. Finally, the issue of otherness in its political dimension and pragmatic uses. Undoubtedly, the reader will be confronted with provocative and stimulating works from different perspectives.In the first Dossier of the year 2022, carefully organized by the guest editors Carina Calabria and Flavianne Nóbrega, both from the Federal University of Pernambuco, we bring a discussion as important as it is urgent regarding the indigenous issue, whether through studies that report and denounce the disrespect and violation of rights, or through studies that seek mechanisms to guarantee the rights of these original peoples. Important connections are made not only with law, but also with anthropology, sociology, and politics. Questions of good life and of a different anthropological referential help us to think outside the parameters of colonial and Eurocentric modernity. In this same perspective follow the translation of the article "Writing Beyond Distinctions" and the review of the book Xukuru: Memories and History of the Indians of the Serra de Ororubá.As always, we warmly thank everyone who contributed to this issue of the Journal: authors, translators, and guest editors. It is from this collaborative work that our journal is made! We remind you that the editorial policies for the different sections of the journal can be accessed on our website and that submissions are permanent and always welcome! We thank, as always, the authors, reviewers and reviewers, and collaborators for the trust placed in our publication. Enjoy your reading! Direito e Práxis Team***PresentaciónMarzo 2022 ¡Saludos a todos y todas! ¡Seguimos firmes en la esperanza de que 2022 sea un año de cambios y mejoras en la situación del mundo y, en particular, de Brasil! ¡Aquí presentamos el primer número del volumen 13, del año 2022, de la Revista Direito e Práxis! Como siempre, traemos nuevos manuscritos en todas nuestras secciones: artículos inéditos, dossier, reseñas y traducciones.El tema de Covid 19, como no podía ser de otra manera, sigue presente, con trabajos que analizan la pandemia en sus diferentes conexiones: recesión democrática, plataformas digitales y medidas de emergencia. Las cuestiones y dilemas político-jurídicos aparecen en artículos que analizan los procesos de lucha por los derechos y, en definitiva, la propia democracia. En un contexto más amplio tenemos una revisión crítica del constitucionalismo de 1988, ya en contextos más específicos los artículos aportan estudios consistentes, también de carácter crítico, sobre la cuestión de la raza, la violencia contra las mujeres, el derecho a la desconexión en el mundo del trabajo, el reconocimiento de las personas trans, la lucha parlamentaria por los derechos de los gitanos. La cuestión de la justicia transicional aparece en los planteamientos de los escenarios brasileño y ecuatoriano. Las cuestiones y políticas de género también están presentes tanto en un enfoque basado en el pluralismo jurídico y el pensamiento decolonial como en un enfoque institucional del poder judicial. Por último, la cuestión de la alteridad en su dimensión política y sus usos pragmáticos. Sin duda, el lector se encontrará con obras provocadoras y estimulantes desde diferentes perspectivas. En el primer Dossier del año 2022, cuidadosamente organizado por las editoras invitadas Carina Calabria y Flavianne Nóbrega, ambas de la Universidad Federal de Pernambuco, traemos una discusión tan importante como urgente sobre la cuestión indígena, ya sea a través de estudios que informan y denuncian la falta de respeto y la violación de derechos, o a través de estudios que buscan mecanismos para garantizar los derechos de estos pueblos originarios. Se establecen importantes conexiones no sólo con el derecho, sino también con la antropología, la sociología y la política. Las cuestiones del buen vivir y de otro referencial antropológico nos ayudan a pensar fuera de los parámetros de la modernidad colonial y eurocéntrica. En esta misma perspectiva sigue la traducción del artículo "Escribir más allá de las distinciones" y la reseña del libro Xukuru: memorias e historia de los indios de la Serra de Ororubá.Como siempre, agradecemos profundamente a todos los que han contribuido a este número de la revista: autores, traductores y editores invitados. ¡De este trabajo de colaboración está hecha nuestra Revista! Le recordamos que las políticas editoriales de las distintas secciones de la revista pueden consultarse en nuestra página web y que los envíos son permanentes y siempre bienvenidos. Agradecemos, como siempre, a los autores y autoras, revisores y revisoras, y a los colaboradores y a las colaboradoras la confianza depositada en nuestra publicación. ¡Buena lectura! Equipo Direito e Práxis

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