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Even in the best of times, LGBT individuals have legal vulnerabilities in employment, housing, healthcare and other domains resulting from a combination of persistent bias and uneven protection against discrimination. In this time of COVID-19, these vulnerabilities combine to amplify both the legal and health risks that LGBT people face. This essay focuses on several risks that are particularly linked to being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender, with the recognition that these vulnerabilities are often intensified by discrimination based on race, ethnicity, age, disability, immigration status and other aspects of identity. Topics include: 1) federal withdrawal of antidiscrimination protections; 2) heightened health risks and vulnerabilities seeking healthcare; 3) family recognition and COVID-19; 4) employment discrimination; and 5) populations at special risk. It also bears noting at the outset that LGBT people already have close and long-lasting experience with HIV/AIDS, which has been described by many as a pandemic and which brought with it enduring stigma and many forms of discrimination and other harms. Even Dr. Anthony Fauci, who is a new hero to many Americans for his clarity in press briefings on COVID-19, is a familiar presence for AIDS activists because of his role in the 1980s and 90s as a leader of the federal government's response to HIV/AIDS.

"The Political Economy of LGBT Rights" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Europe's Supranational Courts and LGBT Rights" published on by Oxford University Press.

Around the worlds, LGBT rights are a matter of discussion and some of the rights have been arranged for the community. But, the rural areas in Bhutan, hardly any discussion of LGBT issues is noted. Although, the community found speaking up for their rights with the help of media and social media. The provisions of section 213 and 214 of the Bhutanese Penal Code which criminalized "unnatural sex" or "homosexuality" omitted on 10th of December 2020, by the joint sitting of both houses of Bhutan's parliament after prolonged intensive campaigns by activists, advocates and by the individuals belonging to the LGBT community themselves. Despite the amendments, homosexuality still considered a taboo subject in conservative religious Bhutanese society, this has made the lives of the members of LGBT community hard and unworthy of living. There is hardly any discussion of LGBT issues in the rural areas in Bhutan as they think that sexual orientations of that kind is against the order of nature. This paper for displaying a true picture about the lives and rights of the members of LGBT community prior to and after decriminalizing homosexuality and suggest suitable changes in the existing system to ensure rights to the community in Bhutan with the help of doctrinal and non- doctrinal methodology.

Europe matters to contemporary LGBTQ politics. This chapter maps out various political articulations connecting Europe and LGBT rights today, arguing that Europe has played a central role in much of the LGBTQ movement's history but that this relationship is complex and multifaceted depending on the vast space of what "Europe" means to many different actors. In other words, Europe has been imagined and unimagined as LGBTQ-friendly by various actors and for various purposes. In making this argument the chapter presents "Europe" from four different angles, exploring the association between the continent and "LGBT rights" in each: Europe as an institutional entity, Europe as an activist project, Europe as exclusionary, and Europe as a threat. It takes a position on how the relationship is defined in each section, highlighting both the opportunity and risk that entails for LGBT rights and people on the continent. In doing so, the chapter highlights the ways European states and institutions have gradually endorsed some activist goals, embedding LGBT rights into the version of Europe understood as an institutional entity. Problematically, however, it shows that this project also generates different forms of exclusion. Moreover, while many actors articulate an idea of Europe as associated with LGBT rights, these actors also compete to define the nature and the content of this association. Europe as an idea is thus multifaceted in its relation to LGBTQ politics, depending on the angle from which it is viewed.

In the recent case of Digashu and Seiler-Lilles the Namibian Supreme Court held that denying the recognition of same-sex spouses under the Immigration Control Act 1993 was not only a violation of the right to dignity under the Namibian Constitution, but also amounted to unfair discrimination. While limited in scope, the judgement is a win for the rights of LGBTQIA+ persons in a jurisdiction where they remain mostly unrecognized. It is also notable for its use of comparativism as a deliberative resource.

European same-sex couples have a right to civil unions, Romania and Russia have recently discovered.

"Courts, the Law, and LGBT Rights in Asia" published on by Oxford University Press.

The development of the civil society in Poland post-1989 has put the LGBT movement on the map of the country's social landscape. As a corollary, it has also led to a greater social engagement of the non-heterosexual community striving for recognition of its demands. The establishment of the Campaign Against Homophobia (KPH) and the spread of the Internet in Poland have raised the Polish society's awareness of the LGBT movement and made it part of the country's political discourse. On the other hand, the perceived threat to the established conservative values of the Polish society has galvanised the opponents of the non-heterosexual community and its demands. The resulting dispute between the supporters and opponents of the LGBT movement and its professed ideas has placed the issue on the agenda of the Polish political parties.