Suchergebnisse

AbstractIn the EU accession literature, there is a tendency to downplay the role of discourse in facilitating norm diffusion, particularly when domestic resistance towards European norms is strong. The assumptions in this thinking are that critical deliberations and civil society activism simply lack the potency required to elicit norm conforming behaviour in accession states and that the only realistic hope for achieving this rests with the introduction of material incentives that make the costs of normative adaptation lower than its rewards. I focus on developments in the field of LGBT politics to challenge these assumptions and to specify the conditions under which discursive strategies are likely to stimulate the domestic uptake of contentious norms. I highlight shared identity as a crucial factor in the success of discursive influence, contending that under conditions of identity convergence, a cultural environment prevails in which norm promoters can more effectively ignite a process of deliberative reflection, shame norm-violators into conformance and cultivate resonance around controversial ideas. I develop these arguments through an analysis of LGBT and accession politics in Croatia and Serbia, contending that Croatia's strong identification with Europe accelerated LGBT recognition there while Serbia's relatively weaker identification with Europe slowed it down.

El presente trabajo de grado analizó el proceso de participación ciudadana en la comunidad de lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y transgeneristas de la localidad de Chapinero en el periodo 2007 a 2009, a partir de la implementación de la Política Pública LGBT, específicamente en el ítem de la Participación Ciudadana. A la vez se revisó como las y los integrantes del grupo poblacional asisten a espacios de participación local. Para abordar esta problemática se realizó inicialmente un barrido teórico en relación a la democracia, el ciudadano y la participación ciudadana, luego se llevó a cabo un proceso de indagación de la historia de conformación del movimiento LGBT y finalmente se hizo un ejercicio de observación de la participación de las y los ciudadanos LGBT en el espacio del Consejo Consultivo LGBT, instancia de participación creada por la política pública, y espacios locales como el Consejo de Planeación Local, el Comité Local de Mujer Género, el Consejo Local de Juventud y las Juntas Zonales de Seguridad, con el fin de conocer la incidencia lograda por estos ciudadanos. Se tomó como método la investigación cualitativa y se adoptó como estrategia el estudio de caso y la utilización de técnicas como la observación participante y la entrevista.

This paper addresses the growing visibility of LGBT civil society organizations in Ukraine's political sphere after the Euromaidan. Drawing on the data collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews; participant observations; and an analysis of social media, this study answers this question: How did Ukrainian LGBT groups reshape their political strategies after the Euromaidan? The Euromaidan was an anti-government, citizens' protest that began in November 2013 in response to the government's unlawful actions. During it, Ukrainian LGBT activists strategically decided to keep their presence in the protest camp invisible. Though this helped to avoid conflicts, the LGBT movement's hopes for reforms in sexual minorities' rights after the Euromaidan remained unfulfilled. This article illuminates how the LGBT activists' approach to the public sphere in post-Euromaidan Ukraine has changed. It argues that the LGBT movement's disillusion over the new government's lack of support triggered a wave of LGBT activism that has resulted in new political strategies. Despite the visible backlash against sexual minorities in 2014–2015, Ukraine's current turmoil has given the LGBT movement opportunities for political alliances and transnational activism that have seemed to have borne fruit.

This paper addresses the growing visibility of LGBT civil society organizations in Ukraine's political sphere after the Euromaidan. Drawing on the data collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews; participant observations; and an analysis of social media, this study answers this question: How did Ukrainian LGBT groups reshape their political strategies after the Euromaidan? The Euromaidan was an anti-government, citizens' protest that began in November 2013 in response to the government's unlawful actions. During it, Ukrainian LGBT activists strategically decided to keep their presence in the protest camp invisible. Though this helped to avoid conflicts, the LGBT movement's hopes for reforms in sexual minorities' rights after the Euromaidan remained unfulfilled. This article illuminates how the LGBT activists' approach to the public sphere in post-Euromaidan Ukraine has changed. It argues that the LGBT movement's disillusion over the new government's lack of support triggered a wave of LGBT activism that has resulted in new political strategies. Despite the visible backlash against sexual minorities in 2014–2015, Ukraine's current turmoil has given the LGBT movement opportunities for political alliances and transnational activism that have seemed to have borne fruit.

This paper addresses the growing visibility of LGBT civil society organizations in Ukraine's political sphere after the Euromaidan. Drawing on the data collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews; participant observations; and an analysis of social media, this study answers this question: How did Ukrainian LGBT groups reshape their political strategies after the Euromaidan? The Euromaidan was an anti-government, citizens' protest that began in November 2013 in response to the government's unlawful actions. During it, Ukrainian LGBT activists strategically decided to keep their presence in the protest camp invisible. Though this helped to avoid conflicts, the LGBT movement's hopes for reforms in sexual minorities' rights after the Euromaidan remained unfulfilled. This article illuminates how the LGBT activists' approach to the public sphere in post-Euromaidan Ukraine has changed. It argues that the LGBT movement's disillusion over the new government's lack of support triggered a wave of LGBT activism that has resulted in new political strategies. Despite the visible backlash against sexual minorities in 2014–2015, Ukraine's current turmoil has given the LGBT movement opportunities for political alliances and transnational activism that have seemed to have borne fruit.

A critical discursive analysis of the It Gets Better Project with special attention to the racial politics of the contributors and messages communicated to the target audience of LGBT online youth.

A dificuldade em respeitar e reconhecer as inúmeras formas do exercício da sexualidade e também das diferentes formas de novas composições familiares, do público de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (LGBT) pelo sistema de saúde, fez com que o governo federal implementasse o documento Política Nacional de Saúde Integral de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais. Após essa ação pública se acredita que essa população específica perceba mudanças no atendimento prestado pela saúde. Dessa forma, o objetivo do artigo foi identificar a percepção da população LGBT quanto ao atendimento que recebem pelos profissionais de saúde e se estão preocupados com o seu autocuidado. Para isso, utilizou-se abordagem quantitativa, com aplicação de questionários às pessoas LGBT. A coleta de dados foi realizada de forma on-line na ONG LGBT e nas redes sociais, totalizando 61 respondentes. Para a análise de dados, foi realizada a estatística descritiva, bem como o teste de Análise de Variância. Os resultados apontaram que a população LGBT se preocupada com o seu autocuidado e sempre procuram estar informado sobre a sua saúde. Afirma-se que os profissionais possuem conhecimento no cuidado, porém precisam se aperfeiçoar. Conclui-se que os profissionais de saúde necessitam de treinamento para poder estar trabalhando com a população LGBT, para lhes proporcionarem um bom atendimento.

Palavras-chave: Pessoas LGBTs. Serviços de Saúde. Identidade de Gênero. Homossexualidade.

Abstract
The difficulty respecting and recognizing the countless forms of the exercise of sexuality and also the different forms of new family compositions, of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transgender (LGBT) public by the health system, led the federal government to implement the document National Policy for Integral Health for Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals. After this public action, it is believed that this specific population perceives changes in the health care provided. Thus, the objective of the article was to identify the perception of the LGBT population regarding the care they receive by health professionals and whether they are concerned with their self-care. To this end, a quantitative approach was used, with the questionnaires application to LGBT people. Data collection was carried out online at the LGBT NGO and social networks, totaling 61 respondents. For data analysis, descriptive statistics were performed, as well as the Variance Analysis test. The results pointed out that the LGBT population is concerned with their self-care and always seek to be informed about their health. It is said that professionals have knowledge in care, but need to improve themselves. It is concluded that health professionals need training to be able to work with the LGBT population, to provide them with good care.

Keywords: LGBT people. Health Services. Gender Identity. Homosexuality.

Recently, schools have focused on supportive (e.g., behavioral supports) rather than punitive (e.g., suspension) strategies to reduce school pushout among marginalized youth. We examined the association between suspension and discipline practices for students with intersecting identities (e.g., LGBT youth of color). We used teacher and student data from 1,091 schools that participated in the California School Climate and California Healthy Kids Surveys. Relative to White LGBT youth, LGBT youth of color were at higher risk of being suspended, and youth were differentially affected by punitive policies depending on their race, sexual orientation, and/or gender identity. While supportive strategies were associated with lower risk of suspension, punitive practices were associated with higher risk of suspension, especially for LGBT youth of color.

Conceptualizing human rights practice as a way of life -- Forming the movement : founding emotions and social ties -- Transforming grievances : emotional fealty to human rights -- Building community : emotional bonds among activists -- Faults, fault lines, and the complexities of agency

ABSTRACTCosta Rica and Colombia, two of the earliest Latin American countries to protect many LGBT rights, attempted to amplify those rights and litigate same-sex marriage (SSM) in mid-2000s; however, these attempts sparked a major anti-LGBT backlash by religious and conservative organizations. Yet a decade later, Colombia legalized SSM while Costa Rica still lacks the right to SSM. Using a most-similar systems comparative case study, this study engages the judicial politics literature to explain this divergent outcome. It details how courts, while staying receptive to many individual LGBT rights claims, deferred SSM legalization to popularly elected branches. In spite of the lack of legislative success in both countries, in Colombia a new litigation strategy harnessed that deference to craft a litigated route to legalized SSM. In Costa Rica, the courts' lack of conditions or deadlines has left SSM foundering in the congress.

<p><span class="fontstyle0">La literatura de movilización legal se ha apoyado en el concepto de "marco maestro" para comprender la definición de las demandas basadas en derechos de los movimientos sociales. Entrado el siglo xxi, en diferentes latitudes de América Latina, los movimientos LGBT presentaron un manejo discursivo y estrategias basadas en derechos, a pesar de que en sus contextos no se encontraba disponible un marco maestro legal. Mediante el estudio de caso de la movilización por el reconocimiento de las uniones entre parejas del mismo sexo en la Ciudad de México (2000-2006) este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender el proceso de definición de la disputa realizada por el movimiento. La comparación e interacción entre los movimientos LGBT y de mujeres permite sostener que por medio de "difusión relacional" los activistas concretaron un discurso y estrategias legales. Al seleccionar el caso de estudio por muestreo teórico esta investigación contribuye ampliando las categorías de análisis relacionadas con las definiciones legales de los movimientos LGBT latinoamericanos, y en general, es de utilidad para reconsiderar las categorías articuladas al concepto de enmarcamiento legal.</span> <br /><br /></p>

Fictional representations of LGBT+ people offer a way to study how socio-cultural discourses on sexual and gender identity are reflected in popular culture. Notwithstanding the fact that particular contexts play a pivotal role in this dynamic, queer television theory currently derives exclusively from U.S. cases. With a quantitative analysis of LGBT+ characters in Flemish television fiction between 2001 and 2016, this study provides a descriptive framework to engage with the representation of sexual and gender diversity in a different context. Firstly, the study establishes the prominent presence of LGBT+ characters in Flemish television fiction. It shows that differences between Flemish public and commercial fiction content are negligible, but that discrepancies between genres are significant. The scarcity of sexual and gender diversity in externally produced 'quality' fiction, moreover, suggests a need for channels to formulate stricter expectations to production companies. Concerning individual characters, the study points to an overrepresentation of gay male characters, a lack of LGBT+ characters of color and the pervasiveness of gender conformity. Closer analysis, on the contrary, reveals a disarticulation of Flemings of color from homophobic violence, and the recasting of gender non-conformity on straight characters. This suggests a critical, self-reflexive awareness of stereotyping in fiction production. Accordingly, the findings of this study offer a point of departure for qualitative engagements with LGBT+ televisibility in Flanders. The data presented should not be conceived of as a finality, but as a necessary framework to internationalize and diversify the study of sexual and gender diversity on television.