This paper presents the significance of the issues related to the activity of territorial self-government for the social and economic development of Ukraine. The efficient operation of self-government in any country is unfeasible without financial resources. Polish experience in the development of territorial self-government is particularly valuable in relation to the reform of Ukraine's self-government. The paper outlines the differences in the structure and operation of territorial self-government in both countries. The paper is concluded with numerous observations on the direction of selected reforms of Ukrainian self-government. It shows the weaknesses of local self-government in Ukraine, which result from the lack of decentralization of finance and the small amount of state-collected taxes. The conclusions end with the observation that a consistent development of the Ukrainian state is required for Poland to develop well.
The author gives a critical review of the perception of comparative politics in the programs of the Faculty of Political Science. The perception is based on the assumption that comparative politics is a subdiscipline of international politics. Contrary to this, the author claims that (1) comparative politics is not a subdiscipline of international politics but a separate discipline of political science in its own right that has gained academic legitimacy together with political theory & international & national politics; (2) both international & national politics can be the subject of comparative research; & (3) the methodology of research, not the subject matter, is essential for the definition of comparative politics. These premises are drawn from an outline of the theoretical & methodological evolution of this discipline & the account of its current state. The author uses these to highlight the academic & organizational problems of comparative politics in Croatia. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
The article brings up the basic issues of comparative public policy, a separate research orientation in contemporary political science. First, the principal works that have defined this research discipline are looked into. The contributions of two subdisciplines of contemporary political science -- public policy & political economy -- are highlighted. The second part of the article investigates the fundamental methodological issues, synthesized into two basic dilemmas: what should be understood under the term government activity, & how it is possible to measure this performance. The author is of the opinion that most works from the field of comparative public policy are largely devoted to the comparison of governments' financial activities, which are the easiest to measure due to a broad accessibility of the data on public expenditure, public sector growth, unemployment, etc. Referring to the Canadian author Louis Imbeau, the author stresses the need for a broader understanding of comparative public policy that would include those comparisons that do not exclusively rely on governments' financial activities. 2 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.
Rad se bavi fokusiranim studijama zemljopisno povezanih i zemljopisno nepovezanih zemalja, odnosno regionalnim i komparativnim regionalnim studijama. U prvom dijelu opisuju se uloga i razvoj te vrste studija kao poddiscipline komparativne politike. U drugom dijelu iznose se rezultati kvantitativne analize sadržaja tekstova objavljenih u časopisima kojima je Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu izdavač ili suizdavač. Predmet analize su regionalne studije Jugoistočne i Srednje Europe objavljene u tim časopisima. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je utvrditi koje zemlje u svome okruženju hrvatski politolozi (i drugi autori koji u njima objavljuju na hrvatskom ili engleskom jeziku) najčešće istražuju te s kojim se zemljama Hrvatska najčešće komparira. Istraživanje je pokazalo da kada je riječ o istraživanju regije, politolozi sužavaju svoja istraživanja na zemlje bivše Jugoslavije. ; This article studies the focus studies of geographically connected and geographically not connected countries, i.e. regional and comparative regional studies. In the first part of the article, a description of the role and development of this type of studies as a subdiscipline of comparative politics is provided. In the second part, I present the results of quantitative analysis of the content of articles published in the academic journals published or co-published by the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb. The objects of analysis are regional studies of South-East Europe published in the journals. The main goal of this article is to determine which countries in their regional surroundings are researched the most by Croatian political scientists (and other authors who publish such articles in Croatian or English language in those journals), and which countries Croatia is most often compared to. This research has shown that, with regard to studies of the region, Croatian political scientists mostly focus on the countries of the former Yugoslavia.
After 1918, country dwellers comprised majority of citizens of the revived Poland and a success of construction of the consolidated civil society depended on their political conduct. Social, economic and ethnic antagonisms appearing in the countryside as well as the weak degree of identification of peasants from the revival with the Polish state did not facilitate this task. Accepted political and legal solutions, including appointing the commune self-government as well as the announcement of the agricultural reform, were supposed to politically and financially connect the country dwellers with the Polish state. The country environment in general positively referred to the shape of the appointed commune self-government, all the more that a tradition of the collective commune had already existed in the Kielce province. ; Po 1918 r. mieszkańcy wsi stanowili większość obywateli odrodzonego państwa i od ich postawy politycznej zależało powodzenie budowy skonsolidowanego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Występujące wówczas w środowisku wiejskim antagonizmy społeczne, ekonomiczne i narodowościowe, jak również słaby stopień identyfikacji chłopów z odrodzonym państwem polskim nie ułatwiały tego zadania. Przyjęte rozwiązania ustrojowo-prawne, w tym powołanie samorządu gminnego, jak i zapowiedź reformy rolnej, miały politycznie i materialnie związać mieszkańców wsi z państwem polskim. Środowisko wiejskie na ogół pozytywnie odniosło się do kształtu powołanego samorządu gminnego, tym bardziej że w województwie kieleckim istniała już tradycja gminy zbiorowej.
After 1918, country dwellers comprised majority of citizens of the revived Poland and a success of construction of the consolidated civil society depended on their political conduct. Social, economic and ethnic antagonisms appearing in the countryside as well as the weak degree of identification of peasants from the revival with the Polish state did not facilitate this task. Accepted political and legal solutions, including appointing the commune self-government as well as the announcement of the agricultural reform, were supposed to politically and financially connect the country dwellers with the Polish state. The country environment in general positively referred to the shape of the appointed commune self-government, all the more that a tradition of the collective commune had already existed in the Kielce province. ; Po 1918 r. mieszkańcy wsi stanowili większość obywateli odrodzonego państwa i od ich postawy politycznej zależało powodzenie budowy skonsolidowanego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Występujące wówczas w środowisku wiejskim antagonizmy społeczne, ekonomiczne i narodowościowe, jak również słaby stopień identyfikacji chłopów z odrodzonym państwem polskim nie ułatwiały tego zadania. Przyjęte rozwiązania ustrojowo-prawne, w tym powołanie samorządu gminnego, jak i zapowiedź reformy rolnej, miały politycznie i materialnie związać mieszkańców wsi z państwem polskim. Środowisko wiejskie na ogół pozytywnie odniosło się do kształtu powołanego samorządu gminnego, tym bardziej że w województwie kieleckim istniała już tradycja gminy zbiorowej.
The author analyzes the meaning of the phase "sovereignty of constitutions" & wonders whether "constitutional democracy" should be understood as a combination of a good political order in the Aristotelian meaning of taxis. The author looks into the different traditions in the evolution of constitutionalism using the examples of France, GB, & North America. In the case of North America, he refers to the idea of creating a mixed form of constitution or constitutional democracy, which allows for the democratic legitimation of power as well as for its constitutional restriction. The evolution of constitutionalism shows that constitutions now occupy the position that first belonged only to sovereign monarchs & later to sovereign peoples in democracy. Basically, normative constitutionalism leads to the situation in which constitutional courts give authoritative interpretation of constitutions that transforms a democratic/parliamentary state into a constitutional-court jurisdiction state. The author concludes that the sacralization of constitutions & constitutional courts does not necessarily stimulate the political process, a fact that opens new controversies. Adapted from the source document.
The text presents remarks on four issues political scientists often take into consideration when reflecting on the borders of their research. The first issue concerns the call to scrutinize the course of legislative procedures, the second one – the need to recognize and note various traditions of political thought in the platforms of political parties and the statements uttered by politicians; the third – the fundamental question of whether political topics are grasped in the structure of sensual perceptions reflected in language; and, finally, the disputable postulate that the philosophy of politics, approached as an element of reflection on political science, clarifies exclusively the notions and concepts applied in the political sciences. These considerations pose problems rather than solve them, and they are completed by a warning that political science should not be developed towards common knowledge, and it should not become increasingly indeterminate and blurred. ; The text presents remarks on four issues political scientists often take into consideration when reflecting on the borders of their research. The first issue concerns the call to scrutinize the course of legislative procedures, the second one – the need to recognize and note various traditions of political thought in the platforms of political parties and the statements uttered by politicians; the third – the fundamental question of whether political topics are grasped in the structure of sensual perceptions reflected in language; and, finally, the disputable postulate that the philosophy of politics, approached as an element of reflection on political science, clarifies exclusively the notions and concepts applied in the political sciences. These considerations pose problems rather than solve them, and they are completed by a warning that political science should not be developed towards common knowledge, and it should not become increasingly indeterminate and blurred.
Comparative politics is a political science discipline that has in its evolution continuously reflected developments in the field of international politics. The author outlines the genesis of this discipline, which boomed in the 1950s within the framework of American politology & then goes on to give an account of the evolution of the fundamental research principles, the expansion of the subject matter, & the importance of the key concepts that delineate this academic discipline (political power, political system, political regime). The author analyzes the role of comparative politics in the context of other disciplines of political sciences as well as its applicative potentials. Through an analysis of the history of this discipline he points to the connection between the shift of interest in & focus on practical politics & the thematically specialized subdisciplines within comparative politological research. In conclusion, the author points out the importance & value of this discipline for Croatia (as a country in the process of democratic transition) with regard to comparative analyses of the experiences of developed democracies & countries in transition. Adapted from the source document.
U ovom radu nastojim ispitati osnovnu tezu o nastanku prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se pojavljuju kao poseban historijsko-empirijski model stranačke organizacije. Model prezidencijaliziranih stranaka ne predstavlja sljedeću fazu u postojećoj razvojnoj teoriji političkih stranaka koja bi označila kretanje prema još jednomu novom tipu stranke, niti mu se mogu pridodati značenja i vrijednosti novoga razvojnog tipa. Valjan je samo kao analitički model kojim se na historijskoj i empirijskoj razini može pratiti prilagodba suvremenih političkih stranaka zahtjevima socijalnih i političkih čimbenika za sve većom individualizacijom političkog života. Ono što prezidencijalizirane stranke čini specifičnim modelom upravo su ključne karakteristike snažne koncentracije moći u rukama stranačkog vođe i centralizacije procesa političkog odlučivanja, iz čega proizlaze njegova autonomija u formuliranju stranačkih politika, programa i izbornih strategija, neupitna dominacija nad svim razinama stranačke organizacije te rigidna hijerarhijska stranačka struktura. Komparativna analiza britanske Laburističke stranke, Španjolske socijalističke radničke stranke i Hrvatske demokratske zajednice nedvosmisleno je potvrdila glavnu hipotezu kojom je uspostavljena uzročna veza između složene kombinacije strukturnih i kontekstualnih čimbenika, koji su identificirani kao glavni pokretači prezidencijalizacijskih procesa, i nastanka prezidencijaliziranih stranaka koje se organizacijski prilagođavaju izazovima suvremenih demokracija. ; In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other. In this dissertation I test the hypothesis on the origin of presidentialized parties that appear as the specific historical and empirical model of party organization. The model of presidentialized parties does not represent the next phase in the existing developmental theory of political parties, which would indicate movement towards another new type of party organization, nor can it be attributed with the meaning and value of a new developmental type. It is valid only as an analytical model which follows the adaptation of modern political parties to the challenges of social and political factors for the increasing individualization of political life on the historical and empirical level. What makes presidentialized parties a specific model are the key characteristics of the strong concentration of power in the hands of party leader and the centralization of decision-making process, from which derive his autonomy in the formulation of party policies, programs and electoral strategies, unquestioned supremacy over all levels of the party organization and the rigid hierarchical party structure. A comparative analysis of the British Labour party, the Spanish socialist worker's party and the Croatian democratic union unambiguously confirmed the main hypothesis which established a causal relationship between the complex combination of structural and contextual factors that are identified as the main drivers of the process of presidentialization, on one hand, and the emergence of the presidentialized parties which organizationally adapt to the challenges of modern democracies, on the other.
The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation. ; The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation.
Zamierzeniem autorki niniejszego artykułu jest naukowa analiza wpływu kultury i dyplomacji kulturalnej Unii Europejskiej na pobudzanie i stymulowanie procesu integracji Europy, który pozostaje dziś w nieustannym zaburzeniu i braku stabilności. Chodzi tu o problemowe podejście do unijnych strategii zmiany i rozwoju, w tym strategii "Europa 2020" - na rzecz inteligentnego i zrównoważonego rozwoju sprzyjającego włączeniu społecznemu, które zakładają realizację wielu nowych unijnych wspólnotowych inicjatyw i rozwiązań praktycznych, także tych dotyczących sektora kultury oraz sektora kreatywnego i audiowizualnego. Unia Europejska po roku 2020 zamierza być gotowa do osiągnięcia wysokiego stopnia zatrudnienia i wydajności oraz większej spójności społecznej. Aby to było realne Unia musi zapewnić bardziej atrakcyjne warunki ramowe dla innowacji i kreatywności. Pod tym względem sektor kultury oraz sektor kreatywny i audiowizualny są źródłem nowatorskich pomysłów, które mogą zamienić się w produkty i usługi przyczyniające się do wzrostu gospodarczego i tworzenia miejsc pracy, pomagając stawić czoła kryzysowi i problemom społecznym. Kryzys gospodarczy i społeczny w Europie rozprzestrzenia się również na świat kultury. Identyfikujemy tu katalog trudno rozwiązywalnych problemów związanych z rozdrobnieniem sfery kultury i jego wytworów, globalizacją i digitalizacją, niedoinwestowaniem, niewłaściwą ochroną własności intelektualnej i praw autorskich oraz niewystarczającą międzynarodową współpracą kulturalną. ; The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation.
Dekada polskich doświadczeń członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej pokazuje, że na gruncie krajowej polityki można określić dwa zasadnicze modele integracji, które są prezentowane przez dwie największe partie polityczne. Każda z nich zarówno Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, jak i Platforma Obywatelska RP miały możliwość praktycznej realizacji głoszonych przez liderów partyjnych tez o członkostwie Polski w UE. Różnice programowe między tymi partiami zaczęły się kreować już przy okazji prowadzonej przez nie kampanii referendalnej w sprawie akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej. To w tamtym czasie PiS zbudował swój program wokół siły Polski w Unii Europejskiej opartej między innymi na sile głosu w Radzie Unii Europejskiej i twardej polityce wzmacniającej interesy narodowe. Z kolei Platforma Obywatelska realizację swoich priorytetów polityki europejskiej widzi nie tylko w gronie członków Rady Unii Europejskiej, ale również poprzez skuteczny lobbing polskich spraw na etapie prelegislacyjnych konsultacji Komisji Europejskiej, lobbing w Parlamencie Europejskim i szeroką współpracę na niedocenionych przez wielu, forach unijnej polityki. Celem opracowania było wskazanie najważniejszych, zdaniem autora, wydarzeń charakteryzujących członkostwo Polski w Unii Europejskiej. Autor dokonał ich systematyzacji, opisu, a także podziału na wydarzenia europejskie mające wpływ na bieg spraw krajowych i na te krajowe, które cechowały polską dyplomację europejską w ostatniej dekadzie. Autor wskazuje cechy charakterystyczne dwóch dyskursów o polskiej polityce europejskiej, które już od referendum akcesyjnego, przez kolejne lata członkostwa w UE angnżująuwagę Polek i Polaków wokół spraw unijnych. Na tej podstawie zostały nakreślone kierunki polskiej polityki europejskiej w perspektywie kolejnych lat członkostwa w UE. ; The decade of Polish membership of the European Union has shown two fundamental models of integration presented in domestic policy by the two leading political parties. Both Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform (PO) have had the opportunity to implement in practice their leaders' declarations about Poland's EU membership. Political differences between the two parties emerged as early as the referendum on Poland's accession to the European Union. At that time, the PiS party constructed its political platform around the idea of a strong Poland whose position would result, among other things, from its power in the Council of the European Union and a hard-line policy strengthening Poland's international interests. The PO party, in turn, saw the implementation of its priorities in European policy as a result of operating not only in the circle of members of the Council of the European Union but also by exercising efficient lobbying activities at the pre-legislation stage of consultation in the European Commission, in the European Parliament and extensive cooperation on various, frequently underestimated, forums of EU politics. This paper aims to indicate the most important characteristics of Poland's EU membership as seen by the author. He categorises, describes and divides them into those European events that influenced domestic affairs, and those domestic events that determined Polish European diplomacy over the last decade. The author indicates the characteristic features of the two discourses about Polish European policy that have been attracting the attention of Poles to EU matters since the accession referendum. On this basis, the future directions of Polish European policy are outlined for further years of EU membership.
