Suchergebnisse

Since its creation as an electoral coalition in 1986, the organization of Izquierda Unida has experienced important changes. This article shows how these shifts have changed the organization from the original coalition model. With this purpose, several key features of its organization & the emergence of common institutions are analyzed: the financial regulation, the organizational structure, the regulation of factions, the concept of membership, & the status of parties within Izquierda Unida. Nevertheless, it is argued that these developments have not resulted in making Izquierda Unida an organization completely similar to a political party. However, Izquierda Unida does show some features that are similar to European political parties. Its organization is a good example of the patterns found in current political parties: a small membership base & a great economic dependence from the State. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

PERSISTENT DEMOCRATIC DOMINANCE IN OPEN-SEAT RACES CAME TO AN ABRUPT END IN 1994 AS REPUBLICANS GAINED 18 SEATS IN OPEN HOUSE CONTESTS. A LARGE PART OF THIS REPUBLICAN SURGE WAS REGIONAL: SOUTHERN VOTERS REJECTED EXPERIENCED DEMOCRATIC HOUSE CANDIDATES, OFTEN IN FAVOR OF LESS EXPERIENCED REPUBLICANS. IN 1996, THE GOP SUSTAINED ITS MAJORITY AND ACTUALLY REGISTERED A NET GAIN OF SIX SEATS IN NONINCUMBENT CONTESTS. THE CHANGES WHICH BEGAN WITH THE 1994 ELECTIONS HAVE NOT BEEN REVERSED OR ABATED; THE GOP CONTINUES TO MAKE POLITICAL GAINS IN THE SOUTH. IN OPEN-SEAT RACES IN 1996, ELECTIVE EXPERIENCE WAS NOT A SIGNIFICANT PREDICTOR OF ELECTORAL SUCCESS. THE SOUTH'S CONTINUED SHIFT TO THE GOP AND THE VOLATILITY OF POLITICAL EXPERIENCE AS AN INDICATOR OF SUCCESS SINCE 1994 INDICATE A CHANGE IN VOTER PREFERENCES AND DECISION MAKING THAT DIMINISHED THE IMPORTANCE OF POLITICAL EXPERIENCE IN WINNING A SEAT IN CONGRESS IN 1996.

THIS PAPER DESCRIBES WHAT THE AUTHOR CALLS THE NEO-COLONIAL STRATEGY OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT IN SETTING UP AN ANTI-SWAPO ALLIANCE. THE MAJOR OBJECTIVE OF THIS STRATEGY IS TO TURN THE COLONIAL STRUGGLE INTO A CIVIL WAR BY MOVING AWAY FROM ETHNIC TO CLASS POLITICS. THE AUTHOR'S AIM IS TO ANALYZE THE DYNAMIC EFFECTS EMANATING FROM THIS STRATEGY, I.E., THE BALANCE OF FORCES THAT ARE AT PLAY. THE PAPER DISCUSSES THE ROOTS OF THE CONFLICT IN NAMIBIA AND EXAMINES 1) THE POLITICAL CONDITIONS GIVING RISE TO THE NEO-COLONIAL STRATEGY; 2) THE POLITICAL CRISIS WITHIN THE COLLABORATIVE TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY; 3) MEASURES TAKEN TO EFFECT A NEO-COLONIAL SOLUTION; AND 4) NEW FORMS OF POPULAR RESISTANCE AGAINST COLLABORATIVE STRUCTURES AT THE POLITICAL, INDUSTRIAL, MILITARY, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEVELS.

International audience ; Jean-Marc Rouillan is one of the founding members of Action directe (1977–1987). In this interview, he talks about the connection between his musical practices and his political activism since the May 1968 events in France, the role of music and sound in the armed struggle of Action directe, and the place he attributes to music in the history of political struggles. ; Jean-Marc Rouillan est l'un des membres fondateurs d'Action directe (1977-1987). Dans cet entretien, il parle des liens entre sa pratique musicale et l'expérience sensible de son engagement politique depuis 1968, du rôle de la musique et du son dans la lutte armée d'Action directe, ainsi que de la place qu'il attribue à la musique dans la mémoire des luttes politiques.

International audience ; Jean-Marc Rouillan is one of the founding members of Action directe (1977–1987). In this interview, he talks about the connection between his musical practices and his political activism since the May 1968 events in France, the role of music and sound in the armed struggle of Action directe, and the place he attributes to music in the history of political struggles. ; Jean-Marc Rouillan est l'un des membres fondateurs d'Action directe (1977-1987). Dans cet entretien, il parle des liens entre sa pratique musicale et l'expérience sensible de son engagement politique depuis 1968, du rôle de la musique et du son dans la lutte armée d'Action directe, ainsi que de la place qu'il attribue à la musique dans la mémoire des luttes politiques.

The Finance Bill for 2014 (PLF 2014) introduced a carbon component in the TICPE –also called climate-energy contribution or carbon tax. Thereafter, the parliamentarians also played specifically on fuel taxes (game on the diesel / gasoline spreads). After several failures of the taxation of fossil fuels reform (2000, 2009), analysis of the process leading to the vote of these measures provides the opportunity to test the hypothesis that public policies vary by more than their instruments their goals. It should allow us to highlight the public policy choices thus made and trace the changes made. To do this, we examined the creation and operation of an environmental taxation Committee (CFE) (December 2012), consultation device between "stakeholders" that made visible the conditions for the emergence of this transformation. The analysis is based on an important written material, both from CFE and Parliament, supplemented by semi-directive interviews (conducted mainly between April and October 2014).To (try to) clarify all the characteristics of this process, we organized this report in five chapters. The first two account for reform TICPE in ideas and issues (put a price on carbon, secure a transfer of taxation to resource consumption), in choice of instrument (existing) –question of what ?The third chapter describes the descent (environmental) and composition of the CFE –question of who ? The last two chapters return to the conditions of progress of various interaction devices (CFE, legislative) –question of how ? The general conclusion returns to this set to question the qualification of transformations involved –energy or fiscal transition ? Indeed, the choice of reforming the TICPE structure has several characteristics indicative of political sense. One related to a segmentation of public action : fossil fuels are concerned. Another bound to a taxation of consumption : the indirect tax that is mobilized. ; Le projet de loi de finances pour 2014 (PLF 2014) a introduit une composante carbone dans la TICPE – ...

In a context of an aging population, the issue of housing the elderly has become crucial. This PhD thesis, developed in the framework of a CIFRE contract (Industrial Conventions of Training through Research), tackles the issue of sheltered housing for people above 60, referred to as "résidences autonomie" ("homes for an independent life") in the new French law on aging. It analyzes the transitional nature of such housing from the public policy and the individual points of view, through a political sociology approach and mobilizing the notion of residential process as a heuristic tool. The purpose of this research is to highlight the specificity and complexity of a housing model currently undergoing important changes. Our main hypothesis is that the transitional nature of sheltered housing is diverse and reveals the stress points the model faces. First, we discuss the development and evolution of sheltered housing policies, and present a European overview. Second, the hybrid nature of such housing, halfway between social health-care institutions and social housing, is analyzed and put back into the whole transitional housing offer in France. Third, we focus on the place of sheltered housing in the residential path of senior citizens. We have used a crossover approach, collecting viewpoints from the sector's various actors –elderly people, professional workers, and public representatives–, as well as a qualitative method including interviews, observations and literature review. By doing so, we highlight the fact the transitional nature of sheltered housing finds its roots in the incremental construction of public policies. The transitional nature of these establishments is specific to them, and complicates their acknowledgement and daily operation. As a result, residents are faced with a linear housing model rather than actual residential mobility. ; Dans un contexte de vieillissement démographique, la question de l'habitat des personnes âgées est centrale. Cette thèse, réalisée dans le cadre d'une convention ...

International audience ; En 1984 paraissait dans la collection PUF–CURAPP Enjeux municipaux, un ouvrage devenu incontournable pour qui s'intéresse à la démocratie locale et, plus largement, à l'histoire de la représentation politique. Trente ans après la parution de ce modèle d'enquête empirique, et quelques jours après les élections municipales de mars 2014, nous avons souhaité revenir, avec l'un de ses auteurs, sur la genèse de ce livre atypique, sa réception et son influence sur la science politique française.

The given article contains research of the evolution of the Russian party system. The chosen methodology is based on the heuristic potential of agent-based modelling. The author analyzes various scenarios of parties' competition (applying Pareto distribution) in connection with recent increase of the number of political parties. In addition, the author predicts the level of ideological diversity of the parties' platforms (applying the principles of Hotelling distribution) in order to evaluate their potential competitiveness in the struggle for voters. ; В статье исследуется эволюция партийной системы РФ. Опираясь на эвристический потенциал агентного моделирования, автор рассматривает (на основе распределения Парето) возможные сценарии партийной конкуренции в связи с увеличением числа политических партий, а также (на основе распределения Хотеллинга) прогнозирует уровень идеологического разнообразия партийных программ, определяя их потенциальные перспективы в борьбе за избирателя.

В статье исследуется эволюция партийной системы РФ. Опираясь на эвристический потенциал агентного моделирования, автор рассматривает (на основе распределения Парето) возможные сценарии партийной конкуренции в связи с увеличением числа политических партий, а также (на основе распределения Хотеллинга) прогнозирует уровень идеологического разнообразия партийных программ, определяя их потенциальные перспективы в борьбе за избирателя. ; The given article contains research of the evolution of the Russian party system. The chosen methodology is based on the heuristic potential of agent-based modelling. The author analyzes various scenarios of parties' competition (applying Pareto distribution) in connection with recent increase of the number of political parties. In addition, the author predicts the level of ideological diversity of the parties' platforms (applying the principles of Hotelling distribution) in order to evaluate their potential competitiveness in the struggle for voters.

In an examination of the constitutional choices made by Czechoslovakia, Hungary, & Poland with regard to their new electoral systems (ranging from extreme proportional representation to a moderately majoritarian system) & with regard to parliamentarism-presidentialism (ranging from a semipresidential to a pure parliamentary system), it is contended that Stein Rokkan's two explanations of the adoption of proportional representation in continental Western Europe around 1900 (Citizens, Elections, Parties: Approaches to the Comparative Study of the Processes of Development, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1970), which can be logically extended to the choice of parliamentarism or presidentialism, provided the best explanations for the consitutional choices of these three East European countries around 1990 as well: (1) the logic of democratization, which requires a bargain between old-established & new parties; & (2) the needs of ethnically diverse societies. These factors were reinforced, but not fundamentally determined, by the attachment to single-member district representation, distrust of political parties, the influence of earlier & foreign democratic models, & inaccurate assessments of partisan strengths. 1 Figure, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

by Cheung Yuk-ching, Doreen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. ; Bibliography: leaves 179-188. ; Chapter 7 --- Findings III: Hypotheses Testing --- p.99 ; Mass Media ; Family ; School ; Chapter 8 --- Findings IV: Relative Influence of Socializing Agents --- p.130 ; Interaction among Agents ; Relative Influence among Agents ; Chapter 9 --- Discussion --- p.152 ; Parental Influence ; Problem of Perceived Parental Influence ; Mass Media ; School ; Political Orientations ; Shortcomings and Future Research Direction ; Chapter Appendix 1 --- Fathers' birth place --- p.161 ; Chapter Appendix 2 --- Mothers' birth place --- p.161 ; Chapter Appendix 3 --- Item-by-item correlations among perceived paternal attitudes --- p.162 ; Chapter Appendix 4 --- Item-by-item correlations among perceived maternal attitudes --- p.163 ; Questionnaire --- p.164 ; Bibliography --- p.179 ; Reference --- p.183

AbstractGreat diversity - racial and cultural as well as in terms of quality of life - in the United States forces versatility of electoral activities, pushing them to a certain level of generality, as specific, defined solutions may turn out too narrow for a broad electorate. In specific campaigns, psychological mechanisms become particularly important, especially those which in many ways provide a sense of closeness to the preferred candidate and build a relationship that leads to support and casting a vote in the elections. The present study focuses on three important - from a psychological point of view - issues, which are perfectly represented in the American elections - the narrative of the political image; communities created on the Internet thanks to management of specific electoral groups by politicians, and the presence of humor and satire in the campaign.

The paper aims to cover the claims-making process and the repertoires of action in two recent anti-governmental social movements: the citizens' mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) from the beginning of 2014 and the "Citizens for Macedonia" (CfM) movement in Macedonia from mid-2015. Lasse Lindekilde reflects on movement claims describing them as "the conscious articulation of political demands in the public sphere, thus leaving aside more private or hidden forms of political claims-making such as voting and lobbyism." On the other hand, Della Porta highlights that "a repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening." The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the main reasons lying behind the two mobilizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as to unveil the main mechanisms through which the central grievances of the government challengers were channeled towards the targeted governments. Regarding the methodological approach, I apply a political claim analysis (PCA), focusing dominantly on the claims coming from the side of the social movement actors. The PCA is defined as a quantitative method which treats political claims as units of analysis, taking newspapers as sources for the publically visible part of the claims-making process. In accordance with the methodological approach, the primary data collection tool envisages daily newspapers from the two countries: Dnevni Avaz, from B&H, and Sloboden Pechat and Dnevnik, from Macedonia. ; The paper aims to cover the claims-making process and the repertoires of action in two recent anti-governmental social movements: the citizens' mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) from the beginning of 2014 and the "Citizens for Macedonia" (CfM) movement in Macedonia from mid-2015. Lasse Lindekilde reflects on movement claims describing them as "the conscious articulation of political demands in the public sphere, thus leaving aside more private or hidden forms of political claims-making such as voting and lobbyism." On the other hand, Della Porta highlights that "a repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening." The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the main reasons lying behind the two mobilizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as to unveil the main mechanisms through which the central grievances of the government challengers were channeled towards the targeted governments. Regarding the methodological approach, I apply a political claim analysis (PCA), focusing dominantly on the claims coming from the side of the social movement actors. The PCA is defined as a quantitative method which treats political claims as units of analysis, taking newspapers as sources for the publically visible part of the claims-making process. In accordance with the methodological approach, the primary data collection tool envisages daily newspapers from the two countries: Dnevni Avaz, from B&H, and Sloboden Pechat and Dnevnik, from Macedonia. ; The paper aims to cover the claims-making process and the repertoires of action in two recent anti-governmental social movements: the citizens' mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) from the beginning of 2014 and the "Citizens for Macedonia" (CfM) movement in Macedonia from mid-2015. Lasse Lindekilde reflects on movement claims describing them as "the conscious articulation of political demands in the public sphere, thus leaving aside more private or hidden forms of political claims-making such as voting and lobbyism." On the other hand, Della Porta highlights that "a repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening." The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the main reasons lying behind the two mobilizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as to unveil the main mechanisms through which the central grievances of the government challengers were channeled towards the targeted governments. Regarding the methodological approach, I apply a political claim analysis (PCA), focusing dominantly on the claims coming from the side of the social movement actors. The PCA is defined as a quantitative method which treats political claims as units of analysis, taking newspapers as sources for the publically visible part of the claims-making process. In accordance with the methodological approach, the primary data collection tool envisages daily newspapers from the two countries: Dnevni Avaz, from B&H, and Sloboden Pechat and Dnevnik, from Macedonia.