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В начале 1550-х гг. дипломаты русского царя Ивана IV впервые использовали легенды о «казанской дани» и «юрьевской дани» для обоснования исторического господства над землями Казанского ханства и немецкой Ливонии. Если сведения о «казанской дани» впервые актуализируются в годы правления Ивана IV, то «юрьевская дань» упоминается еще в русско-ливонских соглашениях XV в., однако их происхождение остается исторической загадкой. В статье впервые в историографии проводится сравнительный анализ двух легенд, делается попытка выяснить их источники, автора, роль в обосновании континуитета Руси времен первых Рюриковичей и московского государя Ивана IV, взаимосвязь терминов «отчина», «дань» и «земля». С 1470-х гг. в Москве начали переосмысливать даннические отношения, существовавшие в монголо-тюркском политическом пространстве, что выразилось в попытке прекращения «подарков» крымскому хану (1473) и последующих требованиях платить дань «по старине» епископу Дерпта (1474). В результате творческой обработки текста Повести временных лет русские книжники постулировали тождественность Волжской Булгарии и Казанского ханства, древнерусского Юрьева и немецкого Дерпта в рамках Никоновского свода. Основным критерием для обоснования наследственного господства над территорией являлась «земля» как политическая единица вне зависимости от этнической и религиозной принадлежности ее населения. Высказано предположение, что царский окольничий Алексей Адашев редактировал историю о «юрьевской дани» по образцу сюжета о «казанской дани». Таким образом, между двумя легендами существует прямая генеалогическая связь. ; In the beginning of 1550s the diplomats of Russian Tsar Ivan IV for the first time used the legend about «Kazan tribute» and «Dorpat tribute» to justify the historical rule over Kazan and German Livonia. The story about «Kazan tribute» was firstly mainstreamed during the reign of Ivan IV; however, the «Dorpat tribute» was mentioned in the Russian-Livonian treaties of 15th century – its origin is still unknown. For the first time in historiography this article compares two stories. The author examines the sources of both legends, their author, the role in the justification of the continuity between the ancient Rus' of Rurikovichi and Moscow Russia of Ivan IV, the relation between the terms «otchina» (paternity), «dan'» (tribute), «zemlya» (land). Since the 1470s Moscow began to rethink the tribute relationships, that had been established in Mongol-Turk political space. This resulted in an attempt to stop the payments for the Chan of Crimea (1473) and to demand the tribute from the Bishop of Dorpat (Russian Yuryev, 1474). Based on the Text of «Primary chronicle» the Russian intellectuals claimed the identity of Volga Bulgaria and Kazan, ancient Russian Yuryev and German Dorpat in the text of Nikon Chronicle. The main criterion for the hereditary rule over the territory was «zemlya» (land) as the political category, regardless of the ethnicity and religion of its population. The author concludes that the courtier Alexey Adashev edited the story about «Dorpat tribute» following the example of «Kazan tribute» story. Thus, there is a direct intertextual dependence between the two stories. = На пачатку 1550-х гг. дыпламаты рускага цара Івана IV упершыню выкарысталі легенды пра «казанскую даніну» і «юр'еўскую даніну» для абгрунтавання гістарычнага панавання над землямі Казанскага ханства і нямецкай Лівоніі. Сведчанні пра «казанскую даніну» ўпершыню актуалізуюцца падчас кіравання Івана IV, а «юр'еўская даніна» узгадваецца ў руска-лівонскіх пагадненнях XV ст., аднак іх паходжанне застаецца гістарычнай таямніцай. У артыкуле ўпершыню ў гістарыяграфіі праводзіцца параўнальны аналіз абедзвюх легенд, робіцца спроба выявіць іх крыніцы, аўтара, ролю ў абгрунтаванні кантынуітэту Русі часоў першых Рурыкавічаў і маскоўскага гасудара Івана IV, узаемасувязь тэрмінаў «вотчына», «даніна» і «зямля». З 1470-х гг. у Маскве пачалі пераасэнсоўваць падатковыя адносіны, якія існавалі ў мангола-цюркскай палітычнай прасторы. Праявамі гэтага была спроба перастаць даваць «падарункі» крымскаму хану (1473), а таксама патрабаванне даніны «па-даўнейшаму» епіскапу Дэрпта (1474). У выніку творчай пераапрацоўкі тэксту Аповесці мінулых гадоў рускія кніжнікі пастуліравалі тоеснасць Волжскай Булгарыі і Казанскага ханства, старажытнарускага Юр'ева і нямецкага Дэрпта ў межах Ніканаўскага зводу. Асноўным крытэрыем для спадчыннага панавання над тэрыторыяй з'яўлялася «зямля» як палітычная адзінка, не звярталася ўвага на палітычную і рэлігійную ідэнтычнасць яе насельніцтва. Выказана меркаванне, што царскі акольнічы Аляксей Адашаў рэдагаваў гісторыю «юр'еўскай даніны» па ўзоры сюжэта пра «казанскую даніну». Такім чынам, паміж дзвюма легендамі існуе генеалагічная ўзаемасувязь.

Политическая ситуация в Египте привлекает внимание международной общественности с 2011 г., когда волна протестов так называемой «арабской весны» прокатилась по региону Ближнего Востока и Северной Африки. Вдохновленная демократическими лозунгами политического плюрализма, свободы слова, печати и религии египетская революция привела к политическому успеху исламистских групп, таких как Ан-Нур и «Братья-мусульмане», последние из которых пришли к власти в 2012 г. Однако представитель «Братьев-мусульман» Мухаммед Мурси занимал должность главы государства критически короткий срок: он был избран в конце июня 2012 г., а свергнут в начале июля 2013 г. в результате военного переворота, поддержанного всеми политическими силами Египта, а также египетским народом, который снова собрался на площади Тахрир. Против М. Мурси выступили не только люди, проголосовавшие за него год назад, но и политические силы, ранее поддержавшие «Братьев-мусульман». Это было обусловлено рядом факторов: экономическая ситуация в Египте не улучшилась, избранный демократическим путем президент выступил с откровенно недемократическими инициативами и т. д. Все эти факторы, очевидно, являются объективными причинами потери им власти. Но в египетской политической среде есть свои особенности, которые необходимо учитывать при исследовании причин и факторов свержения Мурси в 2013 г. Сформировавшись за последние 30 лет власти Хосни Мубарака, они твердо укоренились в египетском обществе и не могли быть одномоментно изменены после революции. В течение всего этого периода два ключевых игрока занимали лидирующие позиции в египетской политике: бизнес-элита и армия. Оба из них имели финансовую и социальную базу и влияли на общественное мнение в стране. После восстания политическая ситуация оказалась еще более сложной: возникло огромное количество новых партий. Все эти игроки имели большой вес в египетской политике и должны были приниматься во внимание президентом. Более того, его умение сформировать отношения с ними и заручиться их лояльностью было важным условием сохранения власти. Вместо этого М. Мурси вступил в конфронтацию с ведущими политическими силами Египта, что стало одним из факторов его свержения с поста президента в 2013 г. ; Political situation in Egypt has been attracting international attention since 2011, when the wave of protests of so-called Arab Spring swept through the region of Middle East and North Africa. Inspired by democratic slogans of political pluralism, freedom of speech, press and religion, Egyptian revolution led to the political success of the Islamist groups, such as An-Nour and Muslim Brotherhood, that came to power in 2012. The representative of Muslim Brotherhood Mohammed Morsi held his position of the head of the state for a critically short term: had been elected in the end of June 2012, he was overthrown in the beginning of July 2013 by military coup supported by all the political forces of Egypt as well as Egyptian people, who gathered again in the Tahrir Square. Eventually, the people who had voted for Morsi a year before turned against him as well as political forces that used to support Muslim Brotherhood. He didn't manage to prove his consistency as the president of the country. A number of factors led to this result. Economic situation in Egypt didn't improve, democratically elected president launched totally undemocratic initiatives, etc. All these factors may be considered as obviously objective reasons for loosing the power. But Egyptian political environment has specific features that should be taken into account while investigating the reasons and factors of Morsi overthrow in 2013. Had being shaped through previous 30 years of Hosni Mubarak power and firmly rooted in Egyptian society, they couldn't be changed simultaneously after the revolution. Two key players have been occupied leading positions in Egyptian politics during all this period: business elites and army. Both of them had financial and social base and influenced public opinion in the country. Political situation turned to be even more complicated with the vast number of new parties arouse after the revolt. All these players had an important part in Egyptian politics and should have been taken into account by the president. Moreover, his ability to form relationship with them and gain their loyalty was an important condition for maintaining power. Instead, M. Morsi started confrontation with the leading political forces of Egypt. Apparently, this wrong tactics resulted in his overthrow from the presidency in 2013.

At present, due to the revival and development of Buddhism in Kalmykia, there arises the question of the origin and continuity of the Kalmyks' Buddhist tradition. Buddhist philosophy and religious cult had structuring significance and influenced the mentality and way of life of the Kalmyks' ancestors — the Oirats. Herewith, the predominant place was occupied by the Tibetan Gelug tradition, founded by Je Tsongkhapa at the turn of the 15th century. Profound philosophical treatises and a network of monasteries with a strict education system formed the extensive religious and philosophical heritage of Tsongkhapa. The article deals with the doctrinal foundations of the Buddhist Gelug tradition, their integration into the spiritual space of the Oirats in the context of the intercultural interaction of Tibet and the Oirat Khanates.In the 17th century, as a result of the Oirats' intervention, the Gelug tradition took a dominant position in Tibet, and Buddhism became a national-state religion of the Oirats themselves. That contributed to the consolidation of the Oirat society and the formation of their cultural space based on the Buddhist picture of the world. Oirat monks studied in the Gelug monasteries, translated Tsongkhapa's philosophical treatises and distributed them across their nomad territories; the treatises explained the essence of the gradual improvement of the personality on the path to enlightenment, determined the essential content of Tantric ritual practice, and constituted the theoretical basis of the Gelug tradition.Based on the data of scientific research, core writings of Tsongkhapa, historic chronicles, samples of Oirat legislative and folk art, the author of the article concludes that the basic categories of the Gelug philosophical tradition were reflected in the Oirats' worldview and contributed to the subsequent formation of their culture. In accordance with Tsongkhapa's teaching on personal perfection through the practice of renunciation, compassion and wisdom, the Oirats attached great importance to such qualities as chastity, humanity, virtue, and justice. Buddhist wisdom, consisting in the awareness of the interdependence of existence through discursive analysis, cohered with the categories of collective responsibility, interconnectedness, a conscious aspiration to learning, and self-perfection that were the spiritual regulators of the life of the Oirat society. Along with the philosophical interpretation of Tsongkhapa's teachings, which was mainly accessible to the spiritual and secular elite, ritual practice was also widely spread. ; В настоящее время в связи с возрождением и развитием буддизма в Калмыкии встает вопрос о происхождении и преемственности буддийской традиции калмыков. Буддийская философия и религиозный культ имели структурирующее значение и влияли на мировоззрение и образ жизни предков калмыков — ойратов. При этом главенствующее место занимала тибетская традиция гелуг, основанная Чже Цонкапой на рубеже XIV–XV вв. Глубинные философские трактаты и сеть монастырей со строгой системой образования составили обширное религиозно-философское наследие Цонкапы. В статье рассматриваются доктринальные основания тибетской буддийской традиции гелуг и их интеграция в духовное пространство ойратов в контексте межкультурного взаимодействия Тибета и ойратских ханств.В XVII в. в результате вмешательства ойратов традиция гелуг заняла доминирующее положение в Тибете, а буддизм стал национально-государственной религией самих ойратов. Это способствовало консолидации ойратского социума и формированию их культурного пространства на основе буддийской картины мира. Ойратские монахи обучались в гелугпинских монастырях, переводили и распространяли в родных кочевьях философские трактаты Цонкапы, которые, составив теоретическую базу традиции гелуг, разъясняли суть поэтапного совершенствования личности на пути к просветлению и определяли сущностное содержание тантрической ритуальной практики.На основе данных научных исследований, основополагающих сочинений Чже Цонкапы, исторических хроник, образцов ойратского законодательного и народного творчества автор статьи приходит к выводу, что базовые категории философской традиции гелуг получили отражение в мировоззрении ойратов и способствовали последующему формированию их культуры. В соответствии с учением Цонкапы о совершенствовании личности через практику отречения, сострадания и мудрости ойраты важными считали такие качества, как воздержанность, гуманность, добродетель, справедливость. Буддийская мудрость, которая заключается в осознании взаимообусловленности бытия посредством дискурсивного анализа, согласовывалась с категориями коллективной ответственности, взаимосвязанности, осознанного стремления к обучению и самосовершенствованию, являвшимися духовными регуляторами жизни ойратского общества. Наряду с философским осмыслением учения Цонкапы, которое в основном было доступно духовной и светской элите, большое распространение получила и обрядовая практика.

Der als Soziologe beim Gesamtrußländischen Zentrum zur Erforschung der öffentlichen Meinung (VCIOM) tätige Autor untersucht auf der Grundlage der seit 1989 vom VCIOM durchgeführten Reihen- und Repräsentativumfragen das Religionsgefühl der rechtgläubigen (russisch-orthodoxen) Bevölkerung sowie die Zusammenhänge mit dem derzeitigen Weltbild und Wählerverhalten. Es zeigt sich, daß die "orthodoxe Wiedergeburt" in der Rußländischen Föderation eine kurzfristige Erscheinung war. Als rechtgläubig bezeichneten sich zwar 1997 48 Prozent der Befragten, doch nur fünf Prozent besuchen Gottesdienste mindestens einmal monatlich. Auch die Zahl von Taufen und kirchlichen Trauungen ist, bezogen auf den Höhepunkt der "orthodoxen Wiedergeburt" in den Jahren 1992 und 1993, rückläufig. Die sich als gläubig bezeichnenden Befragten stimmten bei den Parlamentswahlen 1995 vor allem für die Partei der Selbstherrschaft der Werktätigen (67 Prozent), die Bewegung "Nas Dom - Rossija" und "Zensciny Rossii". Bei der Endrunde der Präsidentschaftswahlen von 1996 war der Anteil der Stimmen rechtgläubiger Wähler für Jelzin und Sjuganow gleich. Die Mehrheit der aktiven Kirchgänger hingegen unterstützt die KPRF (31 Prozent), gefolgt von "Jabloko" (25 Prozent) und der NDR (20 Prozent). Eine Gleichheit von "russisch" und "orthodox" besteht nur für weniger als ein Drittel der Gläubigen. Insgesamt zeichnen sich folgende Varianten der Religiosität ab: "ein sich im Alltagsverhalten ausdrückender magischer Doppelglaube (oder Aberglaube) und eine traditionalistische Einhaltung kirchlicher Gebräuche unter den älteren und weniger gebildetenen Schichten der 'sozialen Peripherie'; ein etatistischer 'Andersglaube' der kommunal-staatlichen Richtung; schließlich eine experimentell-protoreligiöse Besorgtheit, die vor allem die gebildete Großstadtjugend auszeichnet", einschließlich eines ekstatischen "Neoheidentums, wie es jeglicher Jugend-Subkultur in Übergangsepochen eigen ist". (FUB-Hfm)

In the article, the authors attempted to consider the urgent problem of the evolution of relationship between the government and the church at the everyday level of the people's faith without a chronological divide in the form of events of the 1917 revolution. Folk faith is a kind of apocrypha, generated by the daily adaptation of various religious teachings by the congregation, with their level of education and cultural development. The congregation within the boundaries of this work refers to the representatives of the simple social classes in the pre-revolutionary period, bourgeois and peasants, and ordinary residents of the Samara region in the Soviet period, that is, the so-called little man. This little man in such a multinational region as the Middle Volga region, was largely embraced, despite the russification and Christianization (Orthodox), by confessional and national traditions. In the late XIX early XX century, before the 1917 revolution, religious persecution in relation to religious dissent manifested itself in such practices of church and secular power as exhortation procedures, seizures of literature, objects of worship, in the rigorism of verbal culture, when offensive connotations were used in clerical work against Old Believers and sectarians. After the 1917 revolution, the period when the construction of ideology was only taking place is of particular interest. And, despite the ideological atheism of the new Soviet regime, despite the struggle against the church and religion, the 1920-ies were a period of some tolerance towards sectarians. This period continued until the 1930-ies, when the Soviet government already clearly led anti-religious and anti-sectarian policies. The study of the popular religiosity of the representatives of the Middle Volga during the period of social upheaval is necessary for the further improvement of religious-state relations and the formation of the spiritual consciousness of citizens, which confirms the scientific relevance of this topic. The purpose of this article is to examine the evolution of the relationship between the government and the church at the everyday level of the people's faith without a chronological divide in the form of events of the 1917 revolution. The results of the work done prove that everyday life, from the perspective of consideration, as is customary in ethnographic methods, from the inside, shows that the picture of the human world cannot change due to a change in the political system instantly. A person can adapt to the new rules of the game, but what we call the people's faith is much deeper, this is how a person behaves alone with himself. ; В статье авторы предприняли попытку рассмотрения актуальной проблемы эволюции взаимоотношений власти и церкви на повседневном уровне народной веры без хронологического водораздела в виде событий революции 1917 года. Народная вера это своего рода апокриф, порожденный повседневной адаптацией тех или иных религиозных учений паствой с ее уровнем образования и культурного развития. Под паствой в границах данной работы понимаются представители простых сословий в дореволюционный период, мещане и крестьяне, и простые жители Самарского края в советский период, то есть так называемый маленький человек. Этот маленький человек в таком многонациональном регионе, как Среднее Поволжье, был в значительной мере охвачен, несмотря на русификацию и христианизацию (православную), конфессиональными и национальными традициями. В конце XIX начале XXв., до революции 1917 года, религиозные гонения по отношению к религиозному инакомыслию проявлялись в таких практиках церковной и светской власти, как процедуры увещеваний, изъятия литературы, предметов культа, в ригоризме словесной культуры, когда использовались оскорбительные коннотации в делопроизводстве в отношении старообрядцев и сектантов. После революции 1917 года особый интерес вызывает период, когда только происходило конструирование идеологии. И несмотря на идеологический атеизм новой советской власти, в отношении сектантов 1920-е годы были периодом некоторой терпимости. Этот период продолжался до 1930-х гг., когда советская власть уже четко повела антирелигиозную и антисектантскую политику. Изучение народной религиозности представителей Среднего Поволжья в период социальных потрясений необходимо для дальнейшего совершенствования религиозно-государственных отношений и формирования духовного сознания граждан, что подтверждает научную актуальность данной темы. Результаты проделанной работы доказывают, что повседневность в ракурсе рассмотрения, как это принято в методах этнографии, изнутри показывает, что картина мира человека не может поменяться из-за смены политического строя мгновенно. Человек может адаптироваться к новым правилам игры, но то, что мы называем народной верой, это гораздо глубже, это то, как человек ведет себя наедине с самим собой.

The transformation of society during the transition to a new stage of civilizational development is accompanied by dichotomous phenomena. Against the background of globalization processes, a decrease in the role of the national, associated with numbers and the development of global network digital communications, there is a sharp increase in ethnic and religious factors, the actualization of historical symbols as elements of human identity and the collective identity of a nation or country. This phenomenon is considered from the standpoint of postmodernism, where the object of the past is simulated into the subjective perception of a simulacrum in the consciousness of a person in modern society. We criticize metamodernism, proving the symbolic nature of oscillation. The appeal to the past in modernity is nothing but the construction of traditions, rituals, customs in new conditions, under the influence of the present, that is, the simulation of current economic and political, socio-cultural processes. The formation of identity is considered both from the side of the external influence of the institutions of power and management and the elite, and from the side of adaptation of human consciousness that occurs under the influence of the transformations of society. Institutions of power and government contribute to the creation and dissemination of simulacra of historical, ethnic, religious constructs. This allows the upper strata of society to form the collective identity they require, to homogenize society, affirming a single symbolism, common values for all residents. A modern person, for the reasons considered in the article, strives for multiple identification, which is due to the desire to strengthen communication with a multitude of communities that are formed on the basis of a commonality of symbols, values, codes. Experiencing existential fear of a digital society, a person seeks shelter in the images of the past, in the simulation of the stasis of his contemporary society based on the symbols of history, religion, and ethnicity. The second reason is the desire to enter the largest number of communities, staying in which allows you to strengthen the quality and quantity of communications, increase the ability to adapt, and reduce the level of risk. The specific features of the younger generation Z are considered separately. Born with a "gadget in hand", digital natives are initially adapted in a digital society, and therefore their perception is somewhat different than that of the older generation. The cited research data of the authors shows significant specific differences in the perception of the values of previous eras among the younger generation, which allows us to hope for a weakening of the tendencies for the formation of identity based on archaic symbols in the near future. ; Трансформация общества в процессе перехода на новую стадию цивилизационного развития сопровождается дихотомическими явлениями. На фоне глобализационных процессов, снижением роли национального, связанного в том чисел и с развитием глобальных сетевых цифровых коммуникаций наблюдается резкий рост этнического и религиозного факторов, актуализации исторических символов как элементов идентичности человека и коллективной идентичности нации, страны. Данное явление рассматривается с позиций постмодернизма, где объект прошлого симулируется в субъективное восприятие симулякра в сознании человека современного общества. Мы выступаем с критикой метамодернизма, доказывая символический характер осцилляции. Обращения к прошлому в современности не что иное, как конструирование традиций, ритуалов, обычаев в новых условиях, под воздействием настоящего, то есть симуляция актуальных экономико–политических, социокультурных актуальных процессов. Формирование идентичности рассмотрено как состороны внешнего влияния институтов власти и управления и элиты, так и со стороны адаптации сознания человека, происходящей под влиянием трансформаций общества. Институты власти и управления способствуют созданию и распространению симулякров исторических, этнических, религиозных конструктов. Это позволяет высшим слоям общества формировать требуемую им коллективную идентичность, гомогенизировать общество, утверждая единую символику, единые ценности для всех жителей. Современный человек, по причинам, рассматриваемых в статье, стремиться к множественной идентификации, что обусловлено стремлением к усилению коммуникаций с множеством сообществ, формирующихся на основе общности символов, ценностей, кодов. Испытывая экзистенциальный страх перед цифровым обществом, человек ищет укрытия в образах прошлого, в симуляции стазиса современного ему общества на основе символов истории, религии, этноса. Вторая причина – стремление к вхождению в наибольшее число сообществ, пребывание в которых позволяет усиливать качество и количество коммуникаций, повысить способность к адаптации, снизить уровень риска. Отдельно рассмотрены специфические особенности молодого поколения Z. Родившись с «гаджетом в руке» цифровые аборигены изначально адаптированы в цифровом обществе, а потому их восприятие не-сколько иное, чем у старшего поколения. Приведенные данные исследования авторов показывает существенные специфические отличия в восприятии ценностей предыдущих эпох у молодого поколения, что позволяет надеяться на ослабление тенденций формирования идентичности на основе архаичных символов в ближайшем будущем.

Поступила в редакцию 09.05.2019. Принята к печати 22.10.2019. ; Submitted on 09 May, 2019. Accepted on 22 October, 2019. ; Рецензия на книгу: Propaganda: politika, hétköznapi és magas kultúra, m􀄦vészet és média a nagy háborúban / szerk. Ifj. I. Bertényi, L. Boka, A. Katona. Budapest : Országos Széchényi Könyvtár, 2016. 542 old.: ill. Во многих странах Европы 2014–2016 годы прошли под знаком столетия Первой мировой войны, также известной как Великая. Венгрия — одно из государств, понесших в результате этого глобального вооруженного конфликта катастрофические потери. Вступив в войну как равноправная часть большой композитарной монархии, страна по мирным договорам, подписанным в 1920 г. в Версале, лишилась двух третей территории, изменился этнический состав ее населения, вокруг появилось кольцо враждебно настроенных держав. В этой связи повышенный интерес к Великой войне в современных гуманитарных науках и венгерском обществе в целом понятен. В последние годы прошли десятки выставок и научных конференций. В статье рассматриваются материалы представительного междисциплинарного форума, на котором ведущие венгерские историки, литературоведы, искусствоведы обратились к феномену пропаганды, поставили задачу выявления ее форм, механизмов влияния на население, контроля за прессой, формирования общественного мнения, отношения к войне интеллектуалов; исследования функций материальных объектов с пропагандистским содержанием — от памятников на улицах города до предметов обихода и сувениров. Авторы рецензируемого издания приходят к заключению, что если война и пропаганда связаны в истории континента со времени Религиозных войн, то тотальная война, в которой стиралась граница между фронтом и тылом, и тотальная пропаганда, превращавшая тексты, изображения в визуальные объекты и предметы, окружавшие человека в повседневной жизни, патриотические послания, впервые в такой полноте появляются в начале ХХ в. Обоснованным представляется звучащий в статьях сборника вывод о том, что память о годах войны заслонила травма после гибели многонациональной империи. Историкам только предстоит в конкретно-исторических и обобщающих исследованиях определить меру влияния пропаганды на поколения Великой войны. ; Review of: Bertényi, Ifj. I., Boka, L., & Katona, A. (Eds.). (2016). Propaganda: politika, hétköznapi és magas kultúra, m􀄦vészet és média a nagy háborúban [Propaganda: Politics, Everyday Life and High Culture, Arts and Media in the Great War]. Budapest: Országos Széchényi Könyvtár. 542 p.: ill. In many countries of Europe, the years between 2014 to 2016 marked the 100th anniversary of World War I also known as the Great War. Hungary is one of the states which suffered catastrophic losses in this global military conflict. It joined the war as an equal part of a big composite monarchy and eventually, in accordance with the peace treaties signed in 1920 in Versailles, lost two thirds of its territory, turned into a virtually monoethnic state and found itself surrounded by hostile powers. In this regard, it is clear why the Great War is of considerable importance for the contemporary humanities and Hungarian society. Recently, dozens of exhibitions and scholarly conferences have been organised all over the country. This article considers the proceedings of a representative interdisciplinary forum where Hungarian historians, literary historians, and art historians examined the phenomenon of propaganda, formulated the task taxonomising its forms, or mechanisms of influencing the population, control over the written press and media, formation of public opinion, intellectuals' attitude to the war and studying of the propaganda message of material objects — from monuments in public spaces to utensils and souvenirs. The authors of the work reviewed come to the conclusion that if war and propaganda have been interconnected since the wars of religion of the early modern period, the total war which erased the division line between the front and the rear, and total propaganda, which turned texts, images, visual, and material objects surrounding people in their everyday life into patriotic messages, first appear in their full form in the early twentieth century. It seems that the conclusion most of the authors come to is that the memory of the Great War was replaced by the trauma after the collapse of the multinational empire, and historians in their case studies and comprehensive works have to measure the extent to which propaganda influenced mass and individual consciousness of the Great War generation. ; Статья подготовлена при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках проекта № 18-09-0036а «Дипломаты, публицисты, ученые-путешественники о Восточной, Центральной и Юго-Восточной Европе Нового времени: от наблюдений к знаниям». ; The article is supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research in the framework of project 18-09-0036a "Diplomats, Publicists, Scholars-travelers about Eastern, Central and South-Eastern Europe of the Modern Times: From Observations to Knowledge".

СУЩНОСТЬ УПРАВЛЕНЧЕСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ КАК ПРЕДМЕТА / М. Л. Братковский ; ГОУ ВПО "ДОНАУИГС" // Сборник научных работ серии «Государственное управление». Вып. 21 : Экономика и управление народным хозяйством . – Донецк : ГОУ ВПО «ДОНАУИГС», 2021. – С. 21-26. В статье выделены управленческие отношения как сферы научного знания. Исторические условия их возникновения и развития. Особенности управленческих отношений в сфере научного менеджмента Научные взгляды на характер и перспективы совершенствования управленческих отношений в условиях демократизации общественной системы THE ESSENCE OF MANAGERIAL RELATIONS AS A SUBJECT / M.L. Bratkovsky ; SEE HPE "DAMPA" // Collection of scientific works of the series "Public administration". Issue 21: Economy and management of the national economy. – Donetsk : SEE HPE "DAMPA", 2021. - S.21-26. The article highlights managerial relations as a sphere of scientific knowledge. Historical conditions of their origin and development. Features of managerial relations in the field of scientific management Scientific views on the nature and prospects of improving managerial relations in the conditions of democratization of the social system

The author offers an analysis of the logical model of "natural state" in the writings of the three mentioned authors and attempts to define its role in their theories of law. The analysis demonstrates that all three models share the same basic idea: namely, the concep-tion of an independent reasonable individual; this very idea is exactly what these different models are based upon. The concept of an individual itself does not have a substantiation. ; Автор предлагает анализ логической модели естественного состояния у трех выдающихся философов Нового времени, и пытается установить ее роль в пред-ложенных ими концепциях права. Анализ показывает, что в основе всех трех мо-делей лежит единое основание – концепция независимого разумного индивида, именно на ней держатся три столь разные учения о праве. Сама же концепция индивида обоснования не получает. ЛИТЕРАТУРА . Валлон А. Педагогические и психологические идеи романа-трактата Ж.–Ж. Руссо «Эмиль, или О воспитании» // Руссо Ж.-Ж. Педагогические сочинения. Т. 2. – М.: Педагогика, 1981. – С. 269–299. Гоббс Т. О гражданине // Гоббс Т. Сочинения в 2-х тт. Т. 1. – М.: Мысль, 1989. – С. 270–506. Гоббс Т. Левиафан // Гоббс Т. Сочинения в 2-х тт. Т. 2. – М.: Мысль, 1991. – С. 3–545. Кассирер Э. Философия Просвещения. – М.: «Российская политическая энциклопедия» (РОССПЭН), 2004. – 400 c. Леви-Строс К. Руссо – отец антропологии // Леви-Строс К. Первобытное мышление. – М.: Республика, 1994. – С. 19–28. Локк Д. Два трактата о правлении // Локк Д. Сочинения в 3-х тт. Т. 3. – М.: Мысль, 1988а. – С. 135–405. Локк Д. Опыт о человеческом разумении. Ч. І–ІІІ. // Локк Д. Сочинения в 3-х тт. Т. 1. – М.: Мысль, 1985. – С. 78–582. Локк Д. Опыты о законе природы // Локк Д. Сочинения в 3-х тт. Т. 3. – М.: Мысль, 1988b. – С. 3–54. Монтескье Ш.Л. О духе законов / Сост., перевод и комментирование примечаний ав-тора A.B. Матешук. – М.: Мысль, 1999. – 672 с. Руссо Ж.-Ж. Об общественном договоре. Трактаты. – М.: КАНОН-пресс, Кучково по-ле, 1998. – 416 с. Руссо Ж.-Ж. Эмиль, или О воспитании // Руссо Ж.–Ж. Педагогические сочинения. Т. 1. – М.: Педагогика, 1981. – 654 c. Фрагменты ранних стоиков / Составление, перевод и комментарии А. А. Столярова. Т. 3. Ч. 2. – М.: Греко-латинский кабинет Ю. А. Шичалина, 2010. – 267 c. [В ссы-лках – ФРС]. Шмитт К. Левиафан в учении о государстве Томаса Гоббса. – СПб: «Владимир Даль», 2006. – 300 c. Штраус Л. Естественное право и история. – М.: Водолей, 2007. – 312 c. Ashcraft R. Locke's political philosophy // The Cambridge Companion to Locke / Ed. by Vere Chappell. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994. – P. 226–251. Brooke Ch. Rousseau's Political Philosophy: Stoic and Augustinian Origins // The Cam-bridge Companion to Rousseau / Ed. by Patrick Riley. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001. – P. 94–123. Gert B. Hobbes's psychology // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes / Ed. by Tom Sorell. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996. – P. 157–174. Goldsmith M. M. Hobbes on law // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 274–304. Grant H. Hobbes and mathematics // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 108–128. Hobbes T. De Cive. The English version (Philosophical Rudiments concerning Government and Society) / A Critical Edition by H. Warrender. – Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987. – 336 p. Hobbes T. De Cive. The Latin Version Entitled in the First Edition Elementorum Philoso-phiae Sectio Tertia de Cive, and in Later Editions Elementa Philosophica de Cive / A Critical Edition by H. Warrender. – Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983. – 340 p. Hobbes T. Leviathan / Ed. by M. Missner, D. Kolak. – New York: Pearson Longman, 2006. – 304 p. Locke J. The Second Treatise of Civil Government // Locke J. Political essays / edited by Mark Goldie. – Cambridge, New York : Cambridge UP, 1997. – Р. 54–78. Locke J. An Essay Concerning Humane Understanding / ed. with an introd., critical apparatus and glossary by Peter H. Nidditch. – Oxford: Clarendon Рress, 1975. – 867 р. Locke J. Questions Concerning the Law of Nature / Definitive Latin text, with facing accurate English trans. in Robert Horwitz et al. – Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990. – 260 p. Jesseph D. Hobbes and method of natural science // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 86–107. Montesquieu, Ch.-L. de Secondat, baron de La Brède et de De l'esprit des lois / chronologie, introduction, bibliographie par Victor Goldschmidt. – Paris : Garnier, Flammarion, 1979. – 2 vol. – 507 p. + 638 p. Rousseau J.-J. Du Contrat social ou Principe du droit politique / éd. E. Dreyfus-Brisac. – Paris: Félix Alcan, 1896. – 425 p. Rousseau J.-J. Discours sur l'origine de l'inégalité parmi les hommes // Rousseau J.-J., Oeuvres. Vol. 2. – P. : Dalibon, 1826. – P. 211–392. Rousseau J.-J. Émile ou de l'Éducation. – Paris: Garnier frères, 1866. – 567 p. Riley P. Rousseau's General Will // The Cambridge Companion to Rousseau…, 2001. – P. 124–153. Ryan A. Hobbes's political philosophy // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 208–245. Shklar J. Men and Citizens: A Study of Rousseau's Social Theory. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1969. – 245 p. Skinner Q. Review Article. Hobbes's «Leviathan» // The Historical Journal. – 1964. – Vol. 7, 2. – P. 321–333. Skinner Q. Hobbes on Persons, Authors and Representatives // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan / Ed. by Patricia Springborg. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. – P. 157–180. Sorell T. Hobbes's scheme of the sciences // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 45–61. Springborg P. Hobbes on religion // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 346–380. ; Автор пропонує аналіз логічної моделі природного стану в трьох видатних фі-лософів Нового часу та намагається встановити її роль у запропонованих ними концепціях права. Аналіз показує, що в основі всіх трьох моделей лежить одне – концепція незалежного розумного індивіда, саме на ній базуються такі різні вчення про право. Сама концепція індивіда обґрунтування не має. ЛІТЕРАТУРА . Валлон А. Педагогические и психологические идеи романа-трактата Ж.–Ж. Руссо «Эмиль, или О воспитании» // Руссо Ж.-Ж. Педагогические сочинения. Т. 2. – М.: Педагогика, 1981. – С. 269–299. Гоббс Т. О гражданине // Гоббс Т. Сочинения в 2-х тт. Т. 1. – М.: Мысль, 1989. – С. 270–506. Гоббс Т. Левиафан // Гоббс Т. Сочинения в 2-х тт. Т. 2. – М.: Мысль, 1991. – С. 3–545. Кассирер Э. Философия Просвещения. – М.: «Российская политическая энциклопедия» (РОССПЭН), 2004. – 400 c. Леви-Строс К. Руссо – отец антропологии // Леви-Строс К. Первобытное мышление. – М.: Республика, 1994. – С. 19–28. Локк Д. Два трактата о правлении // Локк Д. Сочинения в 3-х тт. Т. 3. – М.: Мысль, 1988а. – С. 135–405. Локк Д. Опыт о человеческом разумении. Ч. І–ІІІ. // Локк Д. Сочинения в 3-х тт. Т. 1. – М.: Мысль, 1985. – С. 78–582. Локк Д. Опыты о законе природы // Локк Д. Сочинения в 3-х тт. Т. 3. – М.: Мысль, 1988b. – С. 3–54. Монтескье Ш.Л. О духе законов / Сост., перевод и комментирование примечаний ав-тора A.B. Матешук. – М.: Мысль, 1999. – 672 с. Руссо Ж.-Ж. Об общественном договоре. Трактаты. – М.: КАНОН-пресс, Кучково по-ле, 1998. – 416 с. Руссо Ж.-Ж. Эмиль, или О воспитании // Руссо Ж.–Ж. Педагогические сочинения. Т. 1. – М.: Педагогика, 1981. – 654 c. Фрагменты ранних стоиков / Составление, перевод и комментарии А. А. Столярова. Т. 3. Ч. 2. – М.: Греко-латинский кабинет Ю. А. Шичалина, 2010. – 267 c. [В ссы-лках – ФРС]. Шмитт К. Левиафан в учении о государстве Томаса Гоббса. – СПб: «Владимир Даль», 2006. – 300 c. Штраус Л. Естественное право и история. – М.: Водолей, 2007. – 312 c. Ashcraft R. Locke's political philosophy // The Cambridge Companion to Locke / Ed. by Vere Chappell. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994. – P. 226–251. Brooke Ch. Rousseau's Political Philosophy: Stoic and Augustinian Origins // The Cam-bridge Companion to Rousseau / Ed. by Patrick Riley. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001. – P. 94–123. Gert B. Hobbes's psychology // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes / Ed. by Tom Sorell. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996. – P. 157–174. Goldsmith M. M. Hobbes on law // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 274–304. Grant H. Hobbes and mathematics // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 108–128. Hobbes T. De Cive. The English version (Philosophical Rudiments concerning Government and Society) / A Critical Edition by H. Warrender. – Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987. – 336 p. Hobbes T. De Cive. The Latin Version Entitled in the First Edition Elementorum Philoso-phiae Sectio Tertia de Cive, and in Later Editions Elementa Philosophica de Cive / A Critical Edition by H. Warrender. – Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983. – 340 p. Hobbes T. Leviathan / Ed. by M. Missner, D. Kolak. – New York: Pearson Longman, 2006. – 304 p. Locke J. The Second Treatise of Civil Government // Locke J. Political essays / edited by Mark Goldie. – Cambridge, New York : Cambridge UP, 1997. – Р. 54–78. Locke J. An Essay Concerning Humane Understanding / ed. with an introd., critical apparatus and glossary by Peter H. Nidditch. – Oxford: Clarendon Рress, 1975. – 867 р. Locke J. Questions Concerning the Law of Nature / Definitive Latin text, with facing accurate English trans. in Robert Horwitz et al. – Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990. – 260 p. Jesseph D. Hobbes and method of natural science // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 86–107. Montesquieu, Ch.-L. de Secondat, baron de La Brède et de De l'esprit des lois / chronologie, introduction, bibliographie par Victor Goldschmidt. – Paris : Garnier, Flammarion, 1979. – 2 vol. – 507 p. + 638 p. Rousseau J.-J. Du Contrat social ou Principe du droit politique / éd. E. Dreyfus-Brisac. – Paris: Félix Alcan, 1896. – 425 p. Rousseau J.-J. Discours sur l'origine de l'inégalité parmi les hommes // Rousseau J.-J., Oeuvres. Vol. 2. – P. : Dalibon, 1826. – P. 211–392. Rousseau J.-J. Émile ou de l'Éducation. – Paris: Garnier frères, 1866. – 567 p. Riley P. Rousseau's General Will // The Cambridge Companion to Rousseau…, 2001. – P. 124–153. Ryan A. Hobbes's political philosophy // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 208–245. Shklar J. Men and Citizens: A Study of Rousseau's Social Theory. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1969. – 245 p. Skinner Q. Review Article. Hobbes's «Leviathan» // The Historical Journal. – 1964. – Vol. 7, 2. – P. 321–333. Skinner Q. Hobbes on Persons, Authors and Representatives // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan / Ed. by Patricia Springborg. – Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007. – P. 157–180. Sorell T. Hobbes's scheme of the sciences // The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes…, 1996. – P. 45–61. Springborg P. 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The report attempts to incorporate Denis Diderot's relationship with Alexei Naryshkin (1742-1800) into the real context of the specific circumstances of the life of this character and his family, as well as to compare their views on the civilisation of Russia. Comparing the views of Diderot and Naryshkin expressed in completely different in time writing, form and purpose of works, the author does not seek to trace the filiation of their ideas; it seems more important to him to establish common subjects of their reasoning, so that he can then understand what unites them and what distinguishes them from each other. Among such common subjects are their ideas about the role of the Commission of Catherine II, the image of Moscow (Diderot — in comparison with the image of Petersburg), the interest of both authors in history, the thesis about the "rotating" West and "healthy" Russia, the recognition of the need for the development of any society on its own basis. ; Der Aufsatz verfolgt das Ziel, das Verhältnis Denis Diderots zu Aleksej Vasil'jevič Naryškin (1742-1800) in den Kontext der Lebensumstände bzw. der Familie des letztgenannten einzubetten und darüber hinaus die Ansichten der beiden in bezug auf die russische Zivilisation zu vergleichen. Folglich beansprucht der Verfasser nicht, den Ursprung der Ideen nachzuvollziehen, wie sie in den je nach Zeit der Niederschrift, Form und Zielsetzung unterschiedlichen Schriften zum Ausdruck kommen. Vielmehr ist er darum bemüht, gemeinsame Themen ihrer Reflexion aufzuspüren, um besser zu verstehen, welche Auffassungen Diderot und Naryškin teilten bzw. in welchen Punkten sie voneinander abwichen. Dazu gehören etwa die Ansichten der beiden Autoren zur Rolle der von Katharina II. einberufenen Gesetzgebenden Kommission, ihr Bild von Moskau (Diderot vergleicht beispielsweise die Stadt mit Sankt Petersburg), ihr Interesse an der Geschichte, die These von dem "verfaulenden" Westen bzw. der "moralischen Integrität" Russlands und schließlich die Idee, dass sich jede Gesellschaft auf ...

International audience ; The need to study this problem is associated with individual contradic- tions in the United Nations (UN) documents and the need to eliminate them. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the advisability of making changes to UN documents due to the incorrect use of the concept of "tolerance" and its analogues, including in Russian versions. In the main part of the study, the authors, on the basis of their comparative anal- ysis of the content of the UN General Assembly Resolutions, in terms of the use of the concept of "tolerance", come to the discovery of two groups of contradictions in UN doc- uments that require resolution. The authors examine these two groups of contradictions in detail, noting their characteristic features. Universal human rights take priority over the rights of people determined by their racial, religious, ethnic affiliation, as well as other immanent features. The social contradictions that have worsened against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic have led to a number of conflicts based on hostility towards carriers of "otherness". The events of 2020 have shown that it is imperative to introduce "harmony in diversity" into the relationships between people with different immanent features. The international political and legal institute, designated in the working lan- guages of the United Nations by the terms "tolerance" and "la tolerance", is designed to provide this harmony. Meanwhile, at present there are many circumstances that prevent the implementation of the idea of "tolerance" ("la tolérance"). The most important of them is the lack of a clear position in official UN documents regarding the content of the idea. The analysis of UN documents, including the Russian-language versions, revealed contradictions in the use of the concept of "tolerance" ("la tolérance") and its analogues. Thus, the concept of "tolerance" ("la tolerance") is still used in UN documents in the meaning contained in the UN Charter. Meanwhile, in 1995, UNESCO, on behalf of the ...

Introduction. For over two decades, Russian education has been in a state of permanent reform. Due to the long and unproductive nature of the modernisation process, researchers are paying special attention to systemic factors, noting that system optimisation processes are structured primarily around organisational and technological models derived from industry. The prevalence of the technological component over the axiological results in the consolidation of a pragmatic, narrowly functional, technocratic vector of education development. To overcome this situation and to break this deadlock, a profound reconsideration of the values underlying mechanisms of reform is required, taking into account multifaceted personal, social, national and universal relations, as well as unity of content, forms and means of education. The aims of the research were identified as follows: to analyse the current trends of modernisation in comprehensive schools and higher educational establishments; to justify humanistic mechanisms for improving the modernisation in the context of language education, which performs personally developing and socialising functions under ideological pluralism and opposition of value systems. Methodology and research methods. The research was conducted taking a person-activity-based approach, referring to cultural-historical concepts, ideas of philosophical hermeneutics and traditional principles of pedagogical methodology. The theoretical framework was based on the publications and philosophical foundations of Russian and foreign scholars, who define the key role of humanistic principles and value orientations in education. The following standard research methods were used: comparison, induction, deduction, abstraction, synthesis, specification, structural and logical modelling, content analysis of documents and scientific publications on the stated problem, observation, questioning, peer review and experiment. In addition, non-standard methods and research techniques such as metaphorical modelling, biographical method and interpretational techniques were used. Results and scientific novelty. Modernisation processes in Russian education were considered: regulatory base, purposes, priorities, problems and prospects. The following thesis was proposed: at the new stage of socio-historical transformation, it is necessary to overcome the negative effects of long-term practice in the reform of the national educational system through developing established traditions as well as updating the humanistic potential of education and ensuring its axiological enrichment. The authors consider pedagogical hermeneutics as a potentially productive means and methodological tool. Pedagogical hermeneutics implies a heuristic and poly-variable apperception of reality through education in order to understand and interpret different genres of cultural texts, providing simultaneous support both to the general public and to the individual, on the basis of rational and emotionally intelligent experience accumulated in science, religion, art, language and national traditions – i.e. culture as a whole. It was shown that language education based on principles of pedagogical hermeneutics is capable of establishing humanistic mechanisms of personactivity-based social norms and cultural models. The authors presented a number of modelling options for the realisation of the proposed hermeneutical approach: various experimentally-validated techniques, educational approaches and procedures designed by teacher-researchers were briefly described, focusing on the achievement of qualitative conformance of educational results to the humanistic appeals and urgent needs of society.Practical significance. The use of hermeneutical techniques as educational tools and procedures allows us to decode semiotic information of curricula subjects; in addition, when using meta-language, it is possible to expand the content by adding personal value-sense and dialogical subjectivity, as well as to transform it into a personal sign-symbol or behavioural template. The acquisition of language experience in the process of humanistic-centred education increases the immunity of a student to various manifestations of character defectivity, strengthening identity and resistance to manipulation of consciousness in political and ideological processes and mass media. Moreover, language experience resists the deformation of the communicative sphere and verbal-cognitive processes, encouraging personal self-realisation. ; Введение. Российское образование уже два десятилетия находится в состоянии перманентного реформирования. В комплексе причин затяжной и малопродуктивной модернизации авторы особое внимание уделяют системообразующим факторам, утверждая, что в настоящее время процессы оптимизации системы ориентированы преимущественно на организационно-технологические модели, скопированные из сферы производства. Преобладание технологической составляющей над ценностно-смысловой оборачивается упрочением прагматичного, узкофункционального, технократического вектора развития образования. Чтобы переломить ситуацию и изменить этот тупиковый для социума вектор, требуется глубинное аксиологическое переосмысление механизмов реформирования, которое должно проводиться с учетом всесторонних связей личности и общества, национального и общечеловеческого опыта, единства содержания, форм и средств обучения и воспитания. Цели изложенного в публикации исследования – обсуждение современных тенденций модернизации общеобразовательной и высшей школы; обоснование гуманитарных механизмов совершенствования образовательных процессов в контексте языкового образования, которое в условиях идейного плюрализма и противостояния ценностных систем выполняет личностноразвивающие и социализирующие функции. Методология и методы. Работа проводилась с опорой на взаимодополняющие друг друга деятельностно-личностный подход, положения культурноисторической концепции, идеи философской герменевтики и традиционные принципы методологии педагогики. Теоретической базой исследования являлись научные труды отечественных и зарубежных ученых, в том числе философские изыскания, в которых показана ключевая роль в образовании гуманитарных начал и ценностных ориентаций. Использовались классические исследовательские методы – сравнение, индукция, дедукция, абстрагирование, обобщение, конкретизация, структурно-логическое моделирование, а также контент-анализ документов и научных публикаций, наблюдение, анкетирование, экспертная оценка и опытная работа. Из инструментального арсенала неклассических методов и приемов исследования применялись метафорическое моделирование, биографический метод, интерпретационные техники. Результаты и научная новизна. Рассмотрены модернизационные процессы в российском образовании: нормативная база, цели, приоритеты, проблемы и перспективы. Выдвинут тезис о том, что на новом витке социально-исторических трансформаций необходимо преодоление отрицательных эффектов многолетней практики реформирования национальной образовательной системы посредством развития сложившихся в ней традиций, актуализации гуманитарного потенциала обучения и воспитания, его ценностно-смыслового обогащения. В качестве возможного продуктивного средства и методологического инструментария предлагается педагогическая герменевтика, подразумевающая эвристическое и поливариативное познание действительности через обучение пониманию и интерпретации разножанровых культурных текстов с одновременной опорой на общественный и индивидуальный, рациональный и эмоционально-чувственный опыт, накопленный в науке, религии, искусстве, языке, народных традициях – культуре в целом. Доказывается, что языковое образование, базирующееся на принципах педагогической герменевтики, способно запустить гуманитарные механизмы личностно-деятельностного освоения социальных норм и культурных образцов. Представлены некоторые варианты авторских моделей реализации герменевтического подхода: кратко описаны сконструированные педагогами-исследователями разнообразные, прошедшие опытно-экспериментальную апробацию методики, технологии и процедуры обучения и воспитания, ориентированные на достижение соответствия качества образовательных результатов гуманитарным запросам и насущным потребностям социума. Практическая значимость. Использование герменевтических технологий как процессуально-инструментальной основы образования позволяет декодировать знаково-семиотическую информацию учебных предметов, наполнять ее, используя метаязык, личностным ценностным смыслом и диалогической субъектностью и трансформировать в личностный знаково-символический или поведенческий текст. Приобретение языкового опыта в процессе гуманитарно ориентированного образования повышает иммунитет обучающегося к разнообразным проявлениям обезличенности, нивелирования индивидуальности и манипулирования сознанием – в частности, в политических и идеологических процессах, массовых формах коммуникации, в том числе сетевых, препятствует деформации коммуникативной сферы и речемыслительных процессов и позволяет достичь личностной самореализации. ; Russian Foundation for Basic Research (project № 18–013–00268 A) ; Российский фонд фундаментальных исследований (проект № 18–013–00268 А)

Introduction. For over two decades, Russian education has been in a state of permanent reform. Due to the long and unproductive nature of the modernisation process, researchers are paying special attention to systemic factors, noting that system optimisation processes are structured primarily around organisational and technological models derived from industry. The prevalence of the technological component over the axiological results in the consolidation of a pragmatic, narrowly functional, technocratic vector of education development. To overcome this situation and to break this deadlock, a profound reconsideration of the values underlying mechanisms of reform is required, taking into account multifaceted personal, social, national and universal relations, as well as unity of content, forms and means of education.The aims of the research were identified as follows: to analyse the current trends of modernisation in comprehensive schools and higher educational establishments; to justify humanistic mechanisms for improving the modernisation in the context of language education, which performs personally developing and socialising functions under ideological pluralism and opposition of value systems.Methodology and research methods. The research was conducted taking a person-activity-based approach, referring to cultural-historical concepts, ideas of philosophical hermeneutics and traditional principles of pedagogical methodology. The theoretical framework was based on the publications and philosophical foundations of Russian and foreign scholars, who define the key role of humanistic principles and value orientations in education. The following standard research methods were used: comparison, induction, deduction, abstraction, synthesis, specification, structural and logical modelling, content analysis of documents and scientific publications on the stated problem, observation, questioning, peer review and experiment. In addition, non-standard methods and research techniques such as metaphorical modelling, biographical method and interpretational techniques were used.Results and scientific novelty. Modernisation processes in Russian education were considered: regulatory base, purposes, priorities, problems and prospects. The following thesis was proposed: at the new stage of socio-historical transformation, it is necessary to overcome the negative effects of long-term practice in the reform of the national educational system through developing established traditions as well as updating the humanistic potential of education and ensuring its axiological enrichment. The authors consider pedagogical hermeneutics as a potentially productive means and methodological tool. Pedagogical hermeneutics implies a heuristic and poly-variable apperception of reality through education in order to understand and interpret different genres of cultural texts, providing simultaneous support both to the general public and to the individual, on the basis of rational and emotionally intelligent experience accumulated in science, religion, art, language and national traditions – i.e. culture as a whole. It was shown that language education based on principles of pedagogical hermeneutics is capable of establishing humanistic mechanisms of personactivity-based social norms and cultural models. The authors presented a number of modelling options for the realisation of the proposed hermeneutical approach: various experimentally-validated techniques, educational approaches and procedures designed by teacher-researchers were briefly described, focusing on the achievement of qualitative conformance of educational results to the humanistic appeals and urgent needs of society.Practical significance. The use of hermeneutical techniques as educational tools and procedures allows us to decode semiotic information of curricula subjects; in addition, when using meta-language, it is possible to expand the content by adding personal value-sense and dialogical subjectivity, as well as to transform it into a personal sign-symbol or behavioural template. The acquisition of language experience in the process of humanistic-centred education increases the immunity of a student to various manifestations of character defectivity, strengthening identity and resistance to manipulation of consciousness in political and ideological processes and mass media. Moreover, language experience resists the deformation of the communicative sphere and verbal-cognitive processes, encouraging personal self-realisation. ; Введение. Российское образование уже два десятилетия находится в состоянии перманентного реформирования. В комплексе причин затяжной и малопродуктивной модернизации авторы особое внимание уделяют системообразующим факторам, утверждая, что в настоящее время процессы оптимизации системы ориентированы преимущественно на организационно-технологические модели, скопированные из сферы производства. Преобладание технологической составляющей над ценностно-смысловой оборачивается упрочением прагматичного, узкофункционального, технократического вектора развития образования. Чтобы переломить ситуацию и изменить этот тупиковый для социума вектор, требуется глубинное аксиологическое переосмысление механизмов реформирования, которое должно проводиться с учетом всесторонних связей личности и общества, национального и общечеловеческого опыта, единства содержания, форм и средств обучения и воспитания.Цели изложенного в публикации исследования – обсуждение современных тенденций модернизации общеобразовательной и высшей школы; обоснование гуманитарных механизмов совершенствования образовательных процессов в контексте языкового образования, которое в условиях идейного плюрализма и противостояния ценностных систем выполняет личностноразвивающие и социализирующие функции.Методология и методы. Работа проводилась с опорой на взаимодополняющие друг друга деятельностно-личностный подход, положения культурноисторической концепции, идеи философской герменевтики и традиционные принципы методологии педагогики. Теоретической базой исследования являлись научные труды отечественных и зарубежных ученых, в том числе философские изыскания, в которых показана ключевая роль в образовании гуманитарных начал и ценностных ориентаций. Использовались классические исследовательские методы – сравнение, индукция, дедукция, абстрагирование, обобщение, конкретизация, структурно-логическое моделирование, а также контент-анализ документов и научных публикаций, наблюдение, анкетирование, экспертная оценка и опытная работа. Из инструментального арсенала неклассических методов и приемов исследования применялись метафорическое моделирование, биографический метод, интерпретационные техники.Результаты и научная новизна. Рассмотрены модернизационные процессы в российском образовании: нормативная база, цели, приоритеты, проблемы и перспективы. Выдвинут тезис о том, что на новом витке социально-исторических трансформаций необходимо преодоление отрицательных эффектов многолетней практики реформирования национальной образовательной системы посредством развития сложившихся в ней традиций, актуализации гуманитарного потенциала обучения и воспитания, его ценностно-смыслового обогащения. В качестве возможного продуктивного средства и методологического инструментария предлагается педагогическая герменевтика, подразумевающая эвристическое и поливариативное познание действительности через обучение пониманию и интерпретации разножанровых культурных текстов с одновременной опорой на общественный и индивидуальный, рациональный и эмоционально-чувственный опыт, накопленный в науке, религии, искусстве, языке, народных традициях – культуре в целом. Доказывается, что языковое образование, базирующееся на принципах педагогической герменевтики, способно запустить гуманитарные механизмы личностно-деятельностного освоения социальных норм и культурных образцов. Представлены некоторые варианты авторских моделей реализации герменевтического подхода: кратко описаны сконструированные педагогами-исследователями разнообразные, прошедшие опытно-экспериментальную апробацию методики, технологии и процедуры обучения и воспитания, ориентированные на достижение соответствия качества образовательных результатов гуманитарным запросам и насущным потребностям социума.Практическая значимость. Использование герменевтических технологий как процессуально-инструментальной основы образования позволяет декодировать знаково-семиотическую информацию учебных предметов, наполнять ее, используя метаязык, личностным ценностным смыслом и диалогической субъектностью и трансформировать в личностный знаково-символический или поведенческий текст. Приобретение языкового опыта в процессе гуманитарно ориентированного образования повышает иммунитет обучающегося к разнообразным проявлениям обезличенности, нивелирования индивидуальности и манипулирования сознанием – в частности, в политических и идеологических процессах, массовых формах коммуникации, в том числе сетевых, препятствует деформации коммуникативной сферы и речемыслительных процессов и позволяет достичь личностной самореализации.

International audience ; The collective work presents the study and publicationof excavated materials of an archaeologically known twoapsechurch from the first half of the 9th to the first half ofthe 10th century at the top of the Tuzluk Hill in the Yedi Evlerarea, Crimean Peninsula, near the village of Semidvorie(Alushta, Crimea, Ukraine). This sanctuary was linked tothe large agricultural and pottery producing settlement thatexisted in this economically developed and populous regionin the second half of the 8th/9th - first half of the 10th century.The settlement was situated 150-250 meters to the east andsoutheast from the church. Just 350 meters southeast fromthe church was a medieval cemetery of the "Suuksu" typeof the 7th – 8th / 9th (?) centuries existed which was left by thepopulation usually identified as Crimean Goths tribes.In 2007, an area of around 96 m2 was investigated andchurch ruins and surrounding cultural layer were studied.The stratigraphical analysis managed to identify here 44archaeological layers or contexts, one medieval grave withdouble burials, and a Bronze Age cultual place. The studyof ruins shows that the sanctuary was rebuilt multiple times.The church consisted of two communicating compartmentsof different sizes. As for characteristic features, the southernmain apse is bigger in size than the northern one, andthere was an entrance in the main part of the church throughthe northern compartment as well as two other doorwaysfrom the west and from the south. The western portal of thenorthern compartment was completely open and no traces ofwall masonry here were attested. In contrast to the southerncompartment, the foundation of the northern part was cutin natural. The three-layer masonry wall was made of localpoor faceted rectangular stones of various sizes. For buildingmortar, mud solutions with clay loam as a binder elementwere mostly used. The inside of the southern churchwalls was plastered with lime mortar, which in some placesis preserved in situ, and painted with red linear and geometricpatterns including letters or even inscriptions that aretoday illegible. The roof likely had two slopes covered bylocally made tiles of different types.The overall dimensions of the church were: width – 5.60-5.70 m, length - 8.50 m. The thickness of the wall was about0.7 m. Structure remains are preserved to a height of 0.80 m.Both apses have shoulders connecting apsidal semicirclesand walls. The external diameter of the southern apse is 2.13m. The internal dimension of the southern main compartmentis 2.34×4.15 м. The external diameter of the northernapse is 1.20 m, while the internal is 0.63 m. The width in thewestern part of the northern compartment is 1.34 m, and inthe eastern part it is reduced to 1.26 m. The church was orientedto the northeast. The azimuth of its central axis is 47°,which roughly corresponds to the azimuth point of sunriseduring the summer solstice for Crimean latitude.SUMMARYIn the first chapter, written by V. Kirilko, the buildinghistory of the church and its architectural peculiarities arepresented. The double apse sanctuary belongs to the relativelyrare type of churches of the Middle Byzantine periodthat could be described as a two-apse church with unequalapses of different sizes. G. Dimitrokallis (1976), the authorof the most representative corpus of double apse byzantinesanctuaries, classified them as "pseudobiconques." Thereare some examples of double apse churches in the Crimea(Sotera near Alushta, Sudak, Funa near Luchistoe settlement,Chembalo fortress in Balaklava). Yet, these sanctuariesmainly date back to the 14th century, with the one exceptionbeing the Sotera church that belonged to the periodof the 8th-10th century, and none of them provides an exactparallel to the church of Yedi Evler.During the short period of its history, the church wascompletely rebuilt at least once. The first building periodinvolved the creation of the main southern church with theapse and the three entrances from the west, south and north.It is highly likely that the church was intentionally conceivedby priests, ktitores or the Christian community as a doubleapse and two-part building. Immediately after the perfectionof the southern church, the additional northern compartmentwith open western portal and separate apse was added. Thispart of the church was connected to the main church via aspecial doorway in the wall dividing the compartment thatpreviously served as the northern entrance to the southernchurch. In fact, the second building period is distinguishedonly theoretically as a final step in the construction of thechurch. The chronology of the first two periods of the building'shistory, based mainly on the study of pottery and ceramicmaterials from the complex, dates back to the firsthalf of the 9th century, or more precisely the second-third tothe middle of the century.After a short period the church was completely destroyed,most likely due to inadequate construction worksor an earthquake. The third building period is determined as860-880s, when the sanctuary was rebuilt and reconstructed.After reconstruction, the northern compartment was buriedby earth and ruined stones and preserved according tocanon law practices for unused sacral Christian objects. Inthe third building period, the northern part was not active asa liturgical zone. The sanctuary became an ordinary ruralByzantine one-apse, one-nave church. A narthex was constructedin the eastern part of the sanctuary. The doorwaybetween the southern and northern parts was closed off bywall masonry. During the third building period, only twoentrances — the southern and western — were still active.The main entrance was the southern one, which was addedby a wooden apprentice. After the second deterioration ofthe church in the first half of the 10th century, no more renovations were carried out. The ruins were reused by the localpopulation for ordinary purposes no earlier than in the secondhalf of the 14th -15th century, as pottery fragments fromthe ruins show. Most probably, the narthex and apse wereused at this time as a temporary living structure in what isregarded in the chapter as the fourth building period. Theauthor proposes graphical reconstruction of the sanctuaryaccording to fourth building periods and shows architecturalparallels to this building among contemporary churches ofthe Northern Caucasus and Minor Asia.Chapter two, author I. Teslenko, deals with the stratigraphyof the site and description of archaeological layers.The analysis of excavated materials provided in the chapterallowed for the presentation of all steps of anthropogenicactivity on the Tuzluk Hill from the Bronze Age to moderntimes. The description of materials is organized by archaeologicallayers, with general characteristics of different findsincluded. Every layer inside and outside the church is attributedto a corresponding building period. A hypothesison the formation of each layer and its causes are also given.The most important layers are linked to two dilapidationsof the church, and some of them are attributed to regular liturgicallife and different rituals practiced in and around thesanctuary. Several layers may be left from construction andreconstruction works. A detailed description of the archaeologicalfinds and a cultural and liturgical interpretation ofstructures, layers and bones are given in the next chapters.In the third chapter, I. Teslenko provides an analysis ofceramic and pottery materials from the church. During theexcavation, 2,589 fragments of roof tiles and kalypters (55%of all ceramic materials), 637 fragments of kitchen and tablewares (13.5%) and 1,485 pieces of pithoi and amphora (31.5%) were recorded. Among them 9 intact rectangular rooftiles that were still preserved and 5 kalypters can be fragmentarilyreconstructed. Several tiles have a constructionsign or craftsmen marks as tridents and Greek letters «λ»,«ρ», «π» «В», «V». A theoretical estimation on the numberof tiles, including kalypters for covering the roof, has beendone. The amount is between 374 tiles / 376 kalypters and396 tiles / 397 kalypters in the second and third buildingperiod respectively. Accordingly, in the second period theweight of the roof was about 3893-3897 kg, for the thirdperiod – 4118-4122 kg.Nearly all excavated ceramic materials came from localproduction. The author lists the characteristics and providesa description of clay pottery and ceramic items, which showtwo craftsmen traditions. The first one emerged locally andis characteristic of primitive treatments, the use of a handpottery wheel and unsatisfactory baking. The second craftsmentradition reflects well-organized, high-technology commodityproduction oriented on the external wine trade. It ispresented specially by amphora. Today, there are more than40 known pottery workshops with high-technology kilns inthe southern part of the Crimean peninsula. Such a potterytradition was most likely brought here in the 8th-9th centuryfrom Minor Asia. The author discusses chronologies ofvarious types of local pottery, particularly amphora, and hemakes comparisons to groups of amphora known from differentregions of the Byzantine World. Local amphoras arepresented by so-called "Black Sea type" (second variant),which was produced until the mid-10th century, according tothe author. At the archaeological site, only two fragments ofimported pottery have been recorded: the bottom of a highneck brown clay jug with wide flat handles, no earlier thanthe mid-9th century, and a fragment of Glazed White Ware II,according to J.W. Hayes, from 10th century Constantinople.The kitchen pottery which were in use in Khazar kaganateis also absent. Ceramic finds in the church date back mainlyto the end of 8th-10th century; only several fragments of twored glazed sgraffito bowls and one fragment of a brown unglazedpot come from the 14th-15th century.The fourth chapter presented by I. Teslenko and A.Musin describes and studies the collection of glass lampfragments (342 items) that are partially not indentified.The bulk (91%) of the lamps comes from the third buildingperiod and is concentrated near the southern entrance tothe church, where the liturgy should start. Precisely withinthe same zone, micropieces of flint made by strike-a-lightfor making "liturgical fire" were recorded, and kitchen andbone remains from community meals were also attested.Glass lamps are presented by two main groups: polycandelonor beaker-shaped lamps with hollow stems, and singlelamps with handles on the rim. All lamps have close parallelsamong glass finds from other Middle Byzantine sanctuaries,for instance, Myra-Demre in Turkey, Thessaloniki inGreece, Chersoneses in Crimea, etc. The glass is mainly coloredlight green and blue. A slowly increased percentage ofpotassium oxide recorded by optical emission spectroscopymay point to glass production centers in the southeasternpart of Asia Minor or Levant.Chapter five, written by A. Musin, analyzes and classifiesmetal crosses found in the church. The excavation recordedat least 30 crosses and their fragments. Crosses wereused throughout the entire period of the church's existence.Crosses are regarded as an ex-voto offering. Most of themwere concentrated in the altar zone of the sanctuary andnear the southern entrance to the church. Two crosses wereput in wall masonry that closed the doorway between thenorthern compartment and the main church during the thirdbuilding period, evidently with apotropaic magic purposes.Presumably, crosses were suspended on the church wall oron elements of the church's interior, or inserted in them. Thecorpus of crosses is divided into five typological groups.The main group consists of iron crosses with an extendedlower branch made of two plates connected with a rivet thatderived from individual processional crosses and turned inex-voto. Some crosses with splayed arms were cut from thinsheet-metal, including copper alloy and probably silver,and decorated with punch ornamentation. Two crosses weremade of silver coins: Umayyad dirham (661 – 750 AD) andimitation of Arab-Sassanian half-drachma of the Sassanidking Kosrou II (590-629 AD).The two last groups of crosses can be compared to thecrosses of the type 1.2.2 according to J. Staecker found inEarly Rus' and Scandinavia in the 10th – 11th century, especiallyknown to be in graves in Birka (Sweden), Gnezdovonear Smolensk, Timerevo near Yaroslavl (Russia), Kiev,Iskorosten (Ukraine) and other political and economic centersof the formation of early medieval states in Russia andSweden. Several scholars have insisted that the crosses havean Anglo-Saxon origin and appeared in Sweden around930-940s AD with the mission of bishop Uni from BritishIslands. However, after the Yedi Evler excavation, the Byzantineorigin of these crosses is quite clear. Crosses fromEastern and Northern Europe may have been created usinga Byzantine example or brought directly from this regionin several cases. During the cultural transformation of theChristianization period, crosses that initially belonged to liturgicalpublic culture were turned in barbarian society intoprivate devotion objects and used as an element in burialcustoms.Nearly all crosses found in the Yedi Evler church haveparallels in other regions of the Byzantine Empire and theneighboring region in the Black Sea coastland, Mediterranean,Asia Minor, Northern Caucasus and Balkans. Suchex-voto crosses illustrate a special feature of post iconoclasticculture in the beginning of the Middle Byzantine period,as well as large distribution of personal reliquary-crossesof the end of the 9th – 11th century. However, prior to becomingan ex-voto offering in church interior, both types ofcrosses were generally used in private Christian devotion.It is largely accepted that the 9th -11th century was a periodof increasing individualism, social atomism and growingemphasis on personal piety. With that in mind, individualcrosses were evidence of the new post-iconoclasm Orthodoxyas a manifestation of personal activity in church lifeand a sign of the victory of polis community tradition overimperial tyranny.The process of donating personal crosses to churchesshould be regarded as a special way of reconciling personaldevotion with the liturgical needs of the local communityencouraged by Church hierarchy. The present hypothesisis confirmed by information in the Byzantine MonasticTypikons, especially that of Empress Irene Doukaina Komnenefor the Convent of the Mother of God Kecharitomenein Constantinople founded between 1100 and 1118, whichprescribed that each Saturday laymen would offer crosses-stauria in the sanctuary for the commemoration of thedeceased, and that other crosses must be brought similarlyeach Sunday on behalf of the living who are recorded on thediptychs. Crosses from the Yedi Evler church and in othercases should be regarded as an archaeological illustration ofsuch a ritual.Other small finds from the church like nails, chain linksfor the suspension of lamps, fragment of bronze wire, leadplates from a wick holder, buttons of bronze, small greenglass beads, and an iron arrow-head characteristic of EasternEurope military culture in the 10th/11th - 13th century aredescribed and analyzed in chapter six by I. Teslenko. Twoamulet-pendants found in the church that are made of clamshell of Cerithium vulgatum and tooth of deer of Cervuselaphus, which could also be offered in the sanctuary asex-voto, are presented in chapter seven by G. Gavris and I.Teslenko.Chapters eight to twelve compiled by G. Gavris, V.Logvinenko, and S. Leonov deal with bones and faunisticremains including birds, mammals, fishes, marine mollusks,and land snails recorded during the excavations. As a result,information is exhausted on the repertoire of animal sacrifices,a normal practice in rural parish Byzantine churches,and the composition of church festive meals has been determined.Among 139 identified bones of mammals, 64% belongto Ovis aries and Capra aegagrus hircus, 16% to Sus scrofadomesticus, 6% to Lepus europaeus and 2 % to Bos Taurus.Birds are presented with 148 individuals of 19 species,including 78% of Gallus domesticus and Gallus domesticussm. and an insignificant quantity of bones of Otis tarda,Cygnus olor, Perdix perdix etc.It is quite interesting to note that fishes are nearly absentfrom the collection, and consequently, on the table of parishmen who lived along the sea coast, only 13 bones ofAcipenser gueldenstaedtii and Perciformes were recorded.Evidently, bones from the excavation present the remainsof a festive meal and not an everyday diet. However, shellfishesare recorded here in 1900 fragments of Mytilus galloprovincialis(95% of mollusk) and a small number ofPatella ulyssiponensis and Ostrea lamellose. Eriphia spinifronspresented in 4-5 individuals should also be noted. Terrestrialgastropods mollusks are mainly presented by Helixalbescens (72.4%), Monacha fruticola (24.2%) Chondrulatridens (3.2%), and only one shell of Brephulopsis cylindrical.Some remarks on the distribution of animal bonesin the excavated complex will be provided in the followingchapters.In chapter thirteen, I. Teslenko proposed and arguedthe chronology of the site based mainly on pottery analysis.Coins from the 7th – mid-8th century that were used forthe manufacturing of crosses give only large terminus postquem for the church building. Amphora with small horizontalmultiple grooves on the surface well-known in Crimeanot later than the beginning - first half of the 9th century arenot recorded among the excavation materials; so the beginningof the church complex must date back to the secondthird-middle of the 9th century. The find of the fragment of ahigh neck jug with wide flat handles in layers of the secondbuilding period, and their absence later on, puts the date ofthe rebuilding of the church at 860-880 AD. The presence oflocal "Black Sea type" amphora of the second variant andthe absence of forms similar to amphora of types I and IIbaccording to N. Günsenin allow to propose the first half –mid of the 10th century as the final stage of the church's existenceand that of surrounding settlements. Another find isthe fragment of Glazed White Ware II, dated no earlier thanthe beginning of the 10th century. The history of the churchactually spans about 100 (± 20-25) years.Chapter fourteen by A. Musin discusses liturgical ritualspracticed in the sanctuary against the large background ofByzantine church culture and shows parallels from relatedterritories. To explain the meaning and origin of the two unequalapse church building in the Yedi Evler area, the authorprovides a thorough account of the phenomenon of doubleapse churches with unequal apses from Transcaucasia andthe Northern Caucasus through Asia Minor and the GreekIslands up until biapsidal churches were recorded in medievalItaly in the 9th-13th century. As a result, a conclusionhas been made that the Mediterranean World did not havea unique genesis of double apse churches. Late Antiquitychurches with two symmetrical naves and apses cannot beregarded as a direct prototype for the Yedi Evler church andrelated building. The architecture of Transcaucasia and theNorthern Caucasus sometimes gives similar features, forexample Mgvimevi, Georgia, the end of the 13th century,but all of them were built later than the monument underconsideration.The "pseudobiconques" churches with a reducednorthern apse are also known in medieval Italy and Corsicaof the 10th-12th century (see for example: San Venerio,La Spezia-Migliarina, Liguria; San Tommaso al Poggio,Rapallo, Liguria; Santa Maria della Chiappella, Rogliano,Haute-Corse; Santa Maria di Sibiola, Serdiana, Sardegna).However, they hardly could be a source of inspirationfor builders of the Yedi Evler church for cultural andchronological reasons. The Italian architecture of the "chiesebiabsidate" did, however, deeply influence the appearanceof two apse churches in Crimea and Muscovite Russia inthe end of the 14th-15th century. Nevertheless, early Italiantwo apse sanctuaries, especially with different apses and anadditional northern entrance, could initially reflect the sameprocess of the change of liturgical planning as in the YediEvler church.It should be acknowledged that "pseudobiconques"churches are not very characteristic for the Greek Island.Some indirect parallels can bee seen in the planning ofthe church of St Spyridon – Panagia Protothroni Halkia,Halki, Naxos Island; church of St Pantaleon, Kotraphi,Peloponnesus; church of St Athanasius, Phaturu, PatmosIsland; church of St Athanasius, Phaturu, Patmos Island. Inall cases, it is difficult to say whether the additional reducedcompartment was initially intended for this or that particularliturgical ritual. It is quite possible that both naves wereused for the Eucharist. However, in the Middle Byzantineperiod, the appearance of double churches of Sts John andGeorge, Sarakini, Samos, and the Monastery of St JohnChrysostomos at Koutsovendis, Cyprus can be attested.The double apse church was renewed in the 10th century inÜçayak, near Kirşehir, Central Anatolia, Turkey. The mostnotable fact is that the high density of two apse middlebyzantine churches, including the "pseudobiconques"sanctuary, is known to have existed in the ancient Pontprovince and near Trabzon, Turkey, for example in Koralla,Görele Burunu fortress or Gantopedin fortress (Matzouka,Zana Kale), Labra, Maçka Dere, near Köpruna Köy. Thisregion always had direct ties with the northern Black Seacoast and Crimea during Antiquity and Middle Ages.At the same time, the closest parallel to the Yedi Evlerchurch can be seen in the 10th-11th century double apsechurch in the Upper City of Middle Byzantine settlementin Boğazköy (Hattusa, Asia Minor), Turkey, excavated by P.Neve in the early 1980s. At the small northern compartmentthat served as the principle entrance in the southern mainchurch, obviously meant for the Eucharist, a considerablenumber of metal ex-voto crosses was recovered. Thecombination of such features attested both in Yedi Evlerand Boğazköy and the chronological coincidence cannot beaccidental.The author argued that different liturgical functions of twochurch compartments and the subsidiary role of the northernpart may be stressed by their sizes and architectural volumesand expressed in the exterior of churches in an architectonicway and by means of architecture. An additional means ofspecial organization of two parts of liturgical space involvedthe arrangement of a separate doorway to the main churchvia the northern compartment as a supposable place of initialworship rituals.Such a change in liturgical planning finds its possibleexplanation in the reform of Prothesis/Proskomedia,which took place in Middle Byzantium during and rightafter the iconoclasm period. The Euchologion Barberinigr. 336, the oldest Orthodox liturgical book of the end ofthe 8th century, reported the appearance of the first priest'sprayer for the preparation of bread and wine as gifts for theEucharist. There was a time when the clergy and monksestablished control over the expression of community andindividual piety within the bringing of liturgical gifts. Thechapter argues in support of a hypothesis on the Prothesisfunction established in the northern compartment in MiddleByzantine churches with two unequal apses such as YediEvler, Sotera, Boğazköy, several sanctuaries of Pont andTrabzon, etc. as a materialization of church reforms at thattime. It is quite possible that contemporary Italian churcheswith two unequal apses were also influenced by the samearchitectural and liturgical innovation in the beginning of theMiddle Byzantine period, especially since the EuchologionBarberini is a manuscript of southern Italian provenance,which reflects, however, practices of Constantinople.Architectural studies let us assume that initially, for anewly performed ritual, the northern annexes or nave ofchurch could be reserved, but later such liturgical planninginnovation did not catch on in church practice. Both preanaphoraand anaphoric rituals were concentrated in thealtar zone.The architectural implementation of the Prothesisreform could be reflected in another way, for example, in theconstruction of rectangular annexes to Middle Byzantinechurch as monastery Kisleçukuru, Antalia, and in İnişdibifortified settlement, Istlada, near Kekova – Myra/Demre,both in Turkey provide examples. In fact, the MiddleByzantine period is generally characterized by the risingof additional architectural volumes and a compartmentaround the main church building within the multiplicationof liturgical rituals and "Privatisation" of Liturgy.As proof for the given hypothesis, a find of liturgicalequipment in the church can be added. At the central partof the northern compartment just opposite the doorway tothe main church, an almost rhomboidal flat stone with dimensionsof 0.5 х 0.7 m (weight 75 kg) was attested. Itshorizontal position in situ was fixed by two roof tiles andfragments of amphora. A considerable number of potteryand glass fragments was concentrated around the stone, aswell as some animal bones. At the east end of the northernapse, the bottom of pithos and fragmentary sheep skullwere also recovered, which indicate some unknown ritual.It is quite possible that such flat stones laying directly on thechurch floor and serving as the Prtothesis table for offeringliturgical bread and wine were typical for rural Byzantinechurches, as the information of Pratum spirituale by JohnMoschus suggests.No remains of the altar table or distinct elements of thealtar screen were recorded during the excavations. This impliesthat the Holy table in the church could be made ofwood and the altar screen existed as a cloth curtain or katapetasma.However, the altar zone was separated from thenaos by a terrace cut in natural as a kind of bema. Near thebema, there was a pit, most likely for a water reservoir usedfor church needs and ritual purification purposes. Beside thispit within the altar zone, several roof tiles were stocked as aspecial construction associated with finds of metal crossesand glass lamp fragments that may be regarded as an elementof an unpreserved altar barrier.Such liturgical elements as the offering of ex-voto crossesand new arrangement of the Prothesis ritual may suggesta monastic influence in the area. Additionally, this possibilityis confirmed by some features of burial custom of thegrave excavated near the church to the southeast from themain apse, i.e. the fixation of the head of one buried senilisman with the help of small stones or a special head-supportknown in the practice of Mont Athos monasteries and in theTypikon of Studios monastery in Constantinople. This observationallows for a revision of the role of Byzantine monasticismin the development of Crimean Christian cultureof the iconoclasm and posticonoclasm period, especiallysince an erroneous hypothesis on the "mass migration" ofByzantine monks-iconodoules to the Crimean peninsulabased on an uncritical review of the information of the Lifeof Saint Stephen the Younger has been abandoned after newresearch.However, rituals practiced in the Yedi Evler church werelinked not only to monastic practices but also to popularChristianized rituals, as finds of animal bones in and aroundthe church suggest. Without a doubt, these kitchen remainstestify to animal sacrifice and parish community or familyfestive meals organized in the church. The finds of oxremains, an animal usually offered as a sacrifice in ruralGreek communities during sanctuary consecration, nearthe western and southern entrances to the church may referto rituals of dedication of the church after its constructionand reconstruction in the second and third building periods.Other bones and faunal remains are relatively proportionallyspread out in the church complex. It is difficult todeterminate where exactly the common meals took place.Most likely, during the first period of church life it was thenorthern part of the church; the joint offering of gifts forthe Eucharist and ordinary meal in the same place near theflat stone in the northern part of the church shows a kindof syncretism of liturgical and popular rituals. During thelast period, when the northern compartment was buried accordingto canon law postulates the main part of the kitchenremains was concentrated near the southern entrance to thesanctuary.The practice of animal sacrifices and parish meals waslargely in use in Byzantine popular religion, or so-called"parish Orthodoxy." In spite of prescriptions against suchpractices, which can be found in canon law, it was regardedas a norm in society, and even hagiographical texts, for example,the Life of Saint Nicolas of Sion in Asia Minor, tellabout such rituals without any fulmination. Rituals of animalsacrifices are also known in the North Caucasus, Transcaucasia,and the Balkans and are still preserved in ethnographicpractice until the beginning of the 20th century andon several territories up until the present age. For example,in the Farassa area, Cappadocia, modern Feke, Adana Province,Turkey, in the Greek parish the ritual of animal sacrificeswas recorded in the church opposite the main altar on abig stone. This parallel may suggest that the flat stone in thenorthern part of the Yedi Evler church, apart from its Prosthesisfunction, could have also served as archaic sacrifice.The remains of rituals of church consecration are alsoknown from the excavations. They have been attestedthanks to one-time concentrations of charcoals and fireplacesas well as kitchen remains opposite to the entrances of thesanctuary. For the first church consecration, three fireplaceswere recorded to the north, west and south of the church.The second consecration left one fireplace to the south fromthe church according to the position of the main doorwayduring the third building period.Within the last zone, micropieces of flint made by strikea-light were found. It is obvious that there was a specialplace here for making 'liturgical fire' before the beginningof office of vespers. Evidently, the celebration in the churchwas not conducted every day, but on special days includingFeast and Sunday Liturgies. Today the ritual of makingnew fire before offices is still preserved in Latin andGreek parish life, only on the eve of Easter Day when theliturgical light for the ceremony is normally lit from a bonfireburned outside the church. In Russian and UkrainianOrthodoxy, such practice has been abandoned. A specificderivate of such practices is the ritual of 'Holy Fire' in thechurch of Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem on Great Saturday,the day before Orthodox Easter, presented in mass mentalityand church propaganda as a miracle. However, the practiceof making 'new' or 'holy' fire, especially at the beginningof spring, is well known thanks to ethnological research inWestern and Central Europe, and relations between churchrituals and folklore customs are difficult to establish. Multiplefragments of glass lamps in the same zone hardly referto any rituals, nor do presented remains of lamps accidentallybroken during manipulation. Only one church customthat involves the intentional breaking of wedding glass cupsof wine was first attested in the Euchologion Paris Coislin.213 in 1027 AD. However, until the 12th century, the churchblessing of wedding was practiced in the aristocratic milieuand was not very widespread in rural society.In sum, the local parish community had enough cultivatedlevel of religious life and combined innovations ofliturgical mainstream of Byzantine society issued from culturalcenters and archaic practices belonging to the provincialrural population.The conclusions presented by I. Teslenko and A. Musinsummaries research results and give future perspectives.For the first time in the history of excavations of Crimeanmedieval churches, thanks to careful digging and fieldfixation, architectural archaeology managed to record manyliturgical features and everyday life elements characteristicof Byzantine rural churches. It allowed for determining acharacteristic of the material culture of the local populationduring the "demographic boom" and establishing of themataadministrative division in Byzantine Empire in the 8th-9thcentury. Church planning kept the very important step inthe development of the initial part of East-Christian Liturgyas ritualisation of Prothesis. Archaeological contextspreserved intact bones of animal sacrifices and communitymeals appropriated to Byzantine popular religion, tracesof making of 'holy' or liturgical fire as micropieces of flintmade by a light-a-strike, and ex-voto offering in the formof metal crosses, and amulets pendants that at the sametime could serve as interior church decoration. Such findsallowed us to establish byzantine origin of several typesof Christian devotional crosses pendants from the 10th-11th century originated from the territories of Early Rus'and Scandinavia. The church in Yedi Evler is an examplemonument of the Middle Byzantine period for the study ofliturgical devotion, rural sacral architecture and everydaylife of provincial settlements, which should be useful forthe understanding of both Crimean medieval culture and thehistory of other parts of the Byzantine World.The study of the Yedi Evler church permits us todraw some conclusions about the historical developmentand cultural situation in the southern part of the Crimeanpeninsula at the end of the 8th – mid 10th century. The materialculture of the local population known from the result ofthe church excavation and investigation of surroundingsettlements and pottery workshops suggests importantinnovation, such as stone housebuilding using roof tiles,high-technology pottery production with very effectivekilns, winemaking oriented to local and long distancetrade, and ecclesiastical architecture of basilica-type parishchurches. All these improvements were previously unknownfor the autochthonic people, which may be indentified tothe Crimean Goths. The settlement archaeology in the areashows that the above-mentioned innovations were broughthere with the wave of mass migration, and newly-establishedresidences of the new population existed quietly side by sidewith previous habitations. This situation may demonstratethe process of mutual integration and even acculturation ofautochthonic people in higher organized society. Most likely,the main group of migrants came from Asia Minor andbrought the mentioned traditions of Byzantine-Rhômaioscivilization, including high technology in pottery andliturgical innovations reflected in ecclesiastical architectureand devotional practices.Undoubtedly, the colonization of the southern part of theCrimean peninsula was organized by the administration ofthe Byzantine Empire in the framework of the establishingof the themata system. The theme ta Klimata in this areawas constituted in 841 AD, and later in the 850s it wasreorganized in the theme of Chersoneses. In the same vein,the new church administration was established here. Theregion under question had probably been included in themetropolitan of Ghotia or Doros, whose eastern borderseparating it from another one new diocese of Sougdaia orSourozh, now Sudak, was exactly across from the Yedi Evlervalley. The Goths diocese is referred to as "a certain regionalong the coast there called Dory," mentioned by Procopiusof Caesarea in his panegyric on the building activity of theemperor Justinian De Aedificiis.The chronology of pottery materials suggests that thechurch in Yedi Evler and the local agglomeration, as wellas a considerable part of settlements in Southern and South-Western Crimea, ceased to exist at the same time in the firsthalf of the 10th century. Such a social collapse may be linkedto the politically unstable situation in the area caused by theconflict between the Byzantine Empire and Khazar kaganateand active military raids of the Rus' from the Middle Dnieperarea to the Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions, Asia Minorand Constantinople. The local population moved to moresecure regions or fled behind city walls for protection.This publication is supplemented by appendixes withcatalogues of finds of various categories including metals,glass, and faunal artifacts (I. Teslenko, N. Turova), pottery,ceramic and stone materials (O. Ignatenko, I. Teslenko),architectural elements (V. Kirilko), find of Bronze Ageperiod (I. Teslenko), description and results of opticalemission spectroscopy of glass finds (A. Egor'kov) andstudy of flint finds (V. Chabai).