Suchergebnisse

In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho's thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.

This article examines the priority bilateral relations of Brazil, named "strategic partnerships", both because of their tradition and historical relevance and due to the existence of political and economic cooperation projects. An assessment of these relationships, especially under Lula's administration, is made in this work, bearing in mind the concept of "strategic partnerships" and its development in Brazilian foreign policy. There will be considered partnerships with the US; Argentina; Japan; China; India; South Africa and the European Union. In the article, the meaning of the increase in these relationships is interpreted on the grounds of its significance to the international insertion strategy of Brazil. Adapted from the source document.

Since the last decade, there has been much debate on the central government's activism in the implementation of development policies that resemble those from Brazil's authoritarian past. However, only rarely, scholars and practitioners have discussed the state capacities that are necessary to execute such policies in the democratic environment, instituted by the 1988 Constitution. This article seeks to understand empirically the interactions between development policies implementation and democratic requisites such as transparency, public participation, and political and bureaucratic oversight, focusing on the tensions and synergies resulting from such interactions and their implications for policy. The paper draws from the comparative analysis of eight case studies of current development policies. The analysis centers on the evaluation of the state capacities created or mobilized during the implementation of such policies. The findings indicate that i) the level of execution of policy goals is associated with the level of technical-administrative capacity that implementation arrangements are able to provide; and ii) the existence and operation of participatory mechanisms, oversight bodies, and interactions with Congress contributed to revisions and innovations during the implementation of these policies. Thus, successful development policies implemented under democratic environments demand not only the technical-administrative capacities necessary for management and execution, but also the political capacities that enable the inclusion of social and political actors, and the processing of conflicts and their potentially divergent interests.

PARTINDO da perspectiva da "crítica da medicina dogmática" de Gregorio Marañón, o artigo pretende discutir o tema da pesquisa com as células-tronco à luz de considerações científicas, filosóficas e éticas que nem sempre são levadas em conta pela maioria dos trabalhos que vem sendo publicados. É necessário analisar os posicionamentos científicos sobre esta questão no cenário político, ideológico e histórico que nos envolve. ; ROOTED in Gregorio Marañón's "critique of dogmatic medicine", this essay discusses stem cell research from the viewpoint of scientific, philosophical and ethical considerations that most published works do not always take into account. It is incumbent that scientific positions on this issue be analyzed in light of the political, ideological and historical scenarios in which we are immersed.

This work aims to reflect on the emergence of modernity, the consolidation of modern scientific thinking and its specifically undesirable political consequences. For that, I rely on the thought of Hannah Arendt. Arendt highlights three events as the main precursors of the modern era: the "discovery" of the continents, the Reformation, and the invention and use of the telescope. I briefly discuss the relation of these events to the alienation from the world, as understood by Arendt, and delve into the novelties of science. Here I mention Galileo and the Copernican revolution, the experimental and quantitative method, the role of instrument manufacturing in the production of knowledge, the evaluation criterion of practical success, and logical-mathematical reasoning as elements that begin to shape scientific activity. From there, I highlight the movement, as described by Arendt, of modern scientific thought to encompass the most diverse fields of daily life, especially in the public sphere. I conclude highlighting the way in which scientism - which has 'Homo Faber's' characteristics - undermines the possibility of action when it enters the political sphere. Because "to be free and to act are the same", it also prevents the manifestation of freedom. Moreover, I approach how scientism goes against human plurality, singularity and spontaneity. Totalitarian governments and consumer societies are extreme and real examples of what 'Homo Faber's' logic can do when it replaces the field of action. At the end, I highlight a great challenge that we need to face.

The article places the political relationship between Brazil and Germany in the international scenario, showing that both countries are likely to establish a "strategic partnership" at the economic level. It makes a brief analysis on the foreign policy adopted by Germany, aimed at overcoming its Nazi experience after World War II through the commitment towards building a Common Europe, on French-German alliance, on democracy and human rights' appreciation, and finally on the fulfilment of the reunification goal. Although not engaged in Germany's main concerns, Brazil coincides with the country's wider project which supports democratic regimes and fosters world peace. (Polit Externa/DÜI)