Xu, Jiazhen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 35-37). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstracts also in Chinese.
本文的目的在於理解南潯作為一個繁榮的江南市鎮,如何在十九世紀的各個階段得到有效的管理,以及其領導層的組成如何隨著外界的政治經濟變遷而改變。作者選擇市鎮作為研究單位,其目的在於將市場和周邊的村落放在同一單位下檢視,以求更好地在經濟和社會層面認識中國之城鄉連續體的本質。通過細讀地方一手史料(包括地方志、族譜、報紙和文集),本文將不僅從制度的角度,同時也會通過地方權力持有者(包括地方官、下層士紳和商人)的具體活動,來觀察南潯鎮的權力結構。我的主要論點是,雖然地方的領導層從未放棄其自治權,但是該領導層的組成卻能夠靈活地在不同階段(1800-1842,1843-1864,1865-1890,1891-1911)進行重組,這造就了南潯鎮一整個世紀的社會穩定,除了其間遭受外來的太平天國戰爭的打擊。為了經營市場和經營更大的市鎮,地方領袖們成立了不同的組織且運用了不同的策略。概括而論,商人行會的成立是為了協調商業事務,而寺廟和善堂的維護則是為了建立一種社區共同體的意識并消弭潛在的社會衝突。在整個十九世紀,尤其是其後半段,地方領袖們的行政權和執法權都得到了擴張,其代價是官方權力的縮減,但其同時也確保了辛亥革命期間南潯的和平政權更迭。 ; This paper attempts to understand how a prosperous Jiangnan town, Nanxun, was managed in different periods of the 19th century and how its leadership evolved when the broad political and economic environment changed. The choice of a town as the unit for analysis was made under the intention to bring together the marketplace and the surrounding villages for examining the nature of Chinese urban-rural continuum both economically and socially. Through scrutiny of local primary sources, i.e., local gazetteers, genealogies, newspapers and literary collections, I am going to investigate the power structure of Nanxun town not only from an institutional perspective but also through the activities of local power agents, e.g., local officials, lower gentry and merchants. My thesis is that the local leadership never gave up autonomy over town management but its constitution changed flexibly in four stages (1800-1842, 1843-1864, 1865-1890, 1891-1911), resulting in long-term stability throughout the century except the major interruption by the exogenous Taiping war. For running the marketplace and the broad town, local leaders established different institutions and adopted different strategies. Generally speaking, the merchant guilds were founded for coordinating commercial affairs while the temples and charities were maintained for building a sense of community and easing potential conflicts over the town. Through the second half of the century, especially after several major mid-century structural changes, the ...
于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...
Yeung Shuk Man. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-162). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; 論文摘要 --- p.ii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Transliteration --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.v ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Sending the women back home --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Connections between Germany and China --- p.20 ; Post-First World War experience --- p.22 ; Sino-German relationship --- p.28 ; Similar characteristics in nationalistic leadership and political ideology …… --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- "´ب´بNew women, liberated women"": The 1920s" --- p.44 ; New roles and images --- p.46 ; New sexualities and moralities --- p.61 ; The "old´ح values --- p.70 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Women under NSDAP and GMD --- p.76 ; Home and family --- p.78 ; Employment --- p.97 ; War years --- p.105 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Women leaders in NSDAP and GMD --- p.114 ; The profile of the women leaders --- p.115 ; Women organizations --- p.124 ; Viewpoints of the women leaders --- p.132 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion: Nationalism and women --- p.141 ; Bibliography --- p.150
自2003年始,反坝运动席卷中国,被誉为"第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落,却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无(正式)组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动,并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性,无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析,而得到解释。 ; 在中国特殊政治环境下,尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会,农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能?带着这一问题,本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架,以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论,对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 ; 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑,并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析,探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 ; 本论文发现:在全国反坝热潮背后,金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用:一是本土性社会文化因素;二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量;三是国家力量(包括"抽象国家"与"具体国家")的影响及其与本土的互动。 ; 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时,也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干,推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的"公民性"参与,孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间,由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力,有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分,为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 ; Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. ; However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. ; How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. ; This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It ...
In: Bo , P 2014 , ' A Study of the BRICS Bank from the Perspective of Global Financial Governance ' , Journal of China and International Relations , bind 2 , nr. 2 , s. 50-57 . https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.939
The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.
這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史,並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構,不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ,在1980年代改革開放以前,中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年(1955-1984)連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是,中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要,同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」,鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機,用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年,隨著阿尔文.托夫勒(Alvin Toffler)的《第三次浪潮》(The Third Wave)風靡中國大陸,革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。 ; 作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件,電子計算機及其衍生科技(臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等)是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中,它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化(informationalization)或曰計算機化(computerization)過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的,這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係?時至今日,批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折,探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策,論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒,如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識,有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解,重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。 ; This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of ...
by Chau Ho Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-140). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iv ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.v ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.vi ; CHAPTER ; Chapter ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Question: How the civil-military relations evolved during the post-Deng era? ; Chapter 1.2 --- The Case of the 1996 Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 1.3 --- Framework: Allison's Model of Decision-Making ; Chapter 1.4 --- Data and Organization ; Chapter TWO --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Non-Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.2 --- Communist Regimes ; Chapter 2.3 --- Post-Communist World ; Chapter 2.4 --- Military Politics in China ; Chapter THREE --- INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF PLA: FROM DENG TO POST-DENG ERA --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- PLA in the Deng Era ; Chapter 3.2 --- PLA in the Post-Deng Era ; Chapter 3.3 --- "Professionalization, Differentiation and Institutionalization" ; Chapter FOUR --- ORGANIZATIONAL INTERESTS OF PLA IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS CRISIS --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The War Games and the Policy Handle ; Chapter 4.2 --- Employing the Organizational Process Model ; Chapter 4.3 --- Organizational Interests and Demands of the PLA ; Chapter 4.4 --- Information Processing of the PLA ; Chapter 4.5 --- Resource Acquisitions of the PLA ; Chapter FIVE --- BRINGING THE PLA INTERESTS INTO GOVERNMENTAL POLITICS --- p.100 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Employing the Governmental Politics Model ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perspectives of Jiang Zemin and PLA on the Taiwan Question ; Chapter 5.3 --- Political Pulls and Hauls in the Taiwan Straits Crisis ; Chapter 5.4 --- Legitimacy and Leadership Succession ; Chapter SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.126 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Findings ; Chapter 6.2 --- Prospects of Future Research ; BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.134