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This book traces the development of e-government and its applications across Europe, exploring the effects of information and communication technology (ICTs) upon political action and processes. Explores a range of concepts and topics underpinning e-government in Europe: the degree to which e-government translates into genuine reform of government and public administration the dual role of the EU as both a provider of e-government through its own internal activities and also as a facilitator or aggregator in the way it seeks to engender change and promote its ethos in member states across the EU cyberterrorism and its use both by terrorists and governments to pursue political agendas. Featuring in-depth case studies on the progress of e-government in the UK, France, Germany, Denmark, The Netherlands, Portugal, Greece, Slovenia, Hungary, and Estonia. These case studies address the above issues, whilst at the same time highlighting commonality and diversity in practice and the paradox between top-down strategies and the effort to engage wider civil participation via e-government. e-Government in Europe will be of interest to students and scholars of public policy, politics, media and communication studies, computing and information and communications technologies and European studies.

IT IS SOMETIMES ARGUED THAT WHAT LIMITS THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES IN THE UK ON BEHALF OF THEIR CONSTITUENCIES IS MPS' INABILITY TO 'COMMAND THE POWER OF THE EXECUTIVE'. CONSIDERING, HOWEVER, THAT SOME MPS ARE MEMBERS OF THE GOVERNMENT, THIS ARTICLE ASKS WHETHER THEY THEN HAVE INCREASED POWER FOR CONSTITUENCY INTERESTS. CONSTRAINTS ARE FOUND AND IDENTIFIED.

Cover -- Title Page -- Acknowledgements -- Table of Contents -- Abbreviations -- Map of Timor-Leste -- 1. Introduction: 'The Blind Letters' -- I. Transitional Justice: A Brief Overview -- II. Women's Rights within Transitional Justice -- III. A Feminist Research -- IV. Ethics of the Research Undertaken -- V. Structure -- 2. Transitional Justice in Timor-Leste: 'Loron Loron, Kalan Kalan' -- I. The Background: History of Timor-Leste -- II. International Legal Framework -- III. Human Rights Violations -- IV. On Justice Received -- V. Access to Transitional Justice -- VI. Women's Participation in Transitional Justice -- VII. Barriers Faced by Women When They Access Transitional Justice -- VIII. Conclusions -- 3. Silence and Memory: 'They are Waiting for Us to Die' -- I. Women's Silence and Lack of Recognition after a Conflict -- II. On Women's Silence in Timor-Leste -- III. On Memory: Hyper-Masculinisation of Society and National Identity -- IV. The Continuum of Violations against Women -- V. What Women Want -- VI. Conclusions -- 4. Women and Prosecution: 'We Captured the Dogs But Not the Owners of the Dogs' -- I. Prosecutions in Timor-Leste -- II. The Legislation -- III. Accounts of Crimes Committed against Women -- IV. The Public: The Investigations -- V. The Public: The Proceedings -- VI. The Private Interference -- VII. Sentences, Women and the Follow-Up -- VIII. Conclusions -- 5. Women, Truth and Reconciliation: 'Here Comes the Victim' -- I. The CAVR -- II. Focus of the CAVR on Women -- III. The CTF and its Focus on Women -- IV. Women's Participation -- V. Different Reconciliation Discourses -- VI. Women's Healing and the Understanding of Truth -- VII. Women's Recognition and Political Follow-Up -- VIII. Conclusions -- 6. Women's Access to Reparations: 'Men Were the Most Affected' -- I. The Complexity of Reparations.

"Kai Bosworth reveals the complex role populism has played in shifting interpretations of environmental movements, democratic ideals, scientific expertise, and international geopolitics. Probing the very limits of populism, Pipeline Populism presents essential work for an era defined by a wave of people-powered movements around the world"--

This book describes and analyses a series of citizen-led campaigns for strengthening institutions of local self-governance in India. It argues that such civil society campaigns themselves can be made a part of governance at the local level and suggests ways in which democratic deliberation and dialogic practices can actually take place in the field.

Utilising the technique of content analysis, this article explores the discourse of guests invited to participate in the political debate that forms part of the television programme Las Mañanas de Cuatro. In general, their participation does not appear to be based on autonomous reflection, does not provide a complex analysis of social and political reality, and does not usually result in the transmission of well-founded opinions. Most panellists simply seem to play the role of spokesperson for certain media sources and political parties, reproducing the discourse of such entities. The discourse of almost all panellists is characterised by partisanship; as such, it is possible to classify the messages transmitted into specific groups according to their ideology. This leads us to the conclusion that these actors become a mere instrument to influence the process of public opinion formation. As a result, the talk show guests analysed do not appear to play a leading role in this process because, strictly speaking, they lack the ability to "fabricate opinion", as proposed by Giorgio Grossi. However, the frequency with which many of the messages are repeated in the comments of different panellists also suggests that these actors do play a relevant role in generating the climate of opinion, leading to the impression that the views they express are in the majority and form part of a consensus. ; A través de la técnica del análisis de contenido, en este artículo se analiza el discurso de los invitados a las tertulias políticas del programa televisivo Las Mañanas de Cuatro. En general, las intervenciones de los tertulianos no parecen estar basadas en la reflexión autónoma, no se produce un análisis complejo de la realidad y no se suelen fundamentar las opiniones transmitidas. La mayoría de ellos ejercen, aparentemente, el mero papel de portavoces de determinados medios de comunicación y partidos políticos, y reproducen el discurso elaborado por dichos entes. El discurso de casi todos los contertulios se caracteriza por el partidismo, de modo que los mensajes transmitidos se pueden clasificar por grupos en función de su ideología, lo cual nos lleva a concluir que estos actores se convierten en un simple instrumento para influir en el proceso de formación de la opinión pública. Como consecuencia, los tertulianos analizados no parecen desempeñar un papel protagonista en este proceso, puesto que carecen, en sentido estricto, de la capacidad de "fabricar opinión" a la que se refiere Giorgio Grossi. Sin embargo, la frecuencia con la que se repiten mensajes en las intervenciones de diferentes sujetos también parece indicar que los tertulianos sí que ejercen un papel relevante en la generación del clima de opinión, produciendo la impresión de que esas opiniones son mayoritarias y forman parte de un consenso.

published_or_final_version ; Social Work ; Master ; Master of Social Sciences

The ongoing war between the Saudi Arabian coalition and the Houthis has had a significant impact. The participation of Saudi Arabia and its coalition in the middle of the Yemen conflict has a pretext to save the democratically elected official government; however, some argue that Saudi Arabia's participation is more of a sectarian issue. The conflict that is still raging in Yemen at this time is considered very interesting to conduct research, in order to find the true background of the participation of Saudi Arabia and its coalition. Is it true that Saudi Arabia's participation was motivated by a desire to save the official government deposed by the Houthis, or is there another motive at work that is in the best interests of Saudi Arabia and its coalition, such as economic, political, or ideological influence?. In this article the researcher uses a qualitative descriptive methodology, qualitative descriptive research in this study will be carried out with several stages including raising a problem, raising research questions, collecting relevant data, analyzing data, and answering research questions. In the investigation, it was found that Saudi Arabia's participation in the Yemeni conflict was inseparable from political, influence and economic interests. Because of the reality that occurred from Saudi Arabia's contradictory attitude toward the Syrian conflict.

The article deals with dialogue forms of cooperation between government and community. We studied the analysis technique of e-participation and noted examples of their successful use in the parliaments and governments of different countries. Advantages and disadvantages of e-participation are defined. We analysed the prospects of e-participation techniques for the development of interactive forms of interaction between government and civil society. The main points of the article - a) new needs of people demand a new organization of interaction between them and the state, a new self-government structures; b) IT reduces, optimizes, makes more efficient and closer cooperation between state structure, its function and citizens. Proved that as the experience of the past few years, Internet gives citizens a good opportunity to expand its direct participation in the political process. Examples include online access to decision-making processes, on-line consultation with everyday problems, the online summary of opinions, views and differences and so on. The current problem of every political system is to make as much effort to avoid possible manipulation and abuse of the will of the citizens in the use of information democracy.
Keywords: E-participation, Internet, information technology, citizens, state

Introduction:Economic analysis, democratic procedure, and distributional assessment in environmental policy --Valuation, justification, and participation in contemporary environmental policy --Capabilities, well-being, and social justice --A capabilities approach to environmental valuation --A capabilities approach to policy justification --A capabilities approach to democratic participation in regulatory rulemaking --Conclusion:Climate justice, political capabilities, and the future of human fellowship

The article dicusses the impact of European Union membership on the economy, poli­tics and policies of the new members states, in particular, Lithuania. It first presents the forecasts and arguments regarding the impact of EU enlargement that were di­cussed before the enlargement in 2004/2007. It draws on the work of European inte­gration literature stating that it was the approaching EU enlargement into the Central and Eastern Europe which caused the wave on theorizing the issue of enlargement which have been absent before. The main issue was to explain the reasons behind the EU decision to enlarge as well as the conditions for the effective application of EU norms into the acceeding countries. Most economic studies predicted that enlarge­ment will contribute to the economic growth of acceeding countries (although the transfer of regulatory norms in some cases could be considered to be suboptimal), and the EU as a whole. There have been more uncertainty regarding the impact of the enlargement on the functioning of the EU and the compliance of the new members with the EU norms. The second section evaluates the experience so far, by discussing the studies which have been made on the impact of EU and concludes that, the enlargement has been a positive sum game for the economies of new member states (as well the EU), increasing trade and investments flows and contributing to the catching up with the rest of the EU. Lithuania and other new member states have been among the fastest growing economies in Europe for the last decade. However, it argues that the impact of the EU membership is mediated by domestic policies of each member state, and that Lithuania has not attampted to strengthen the positive impulses coming from the EU accession, in particular by postponing the structural reforms in the country. The return of the primacy of the domestic agenda after the EU accession have not resulted in the completion of the reforms, and might be one of the reasons for the radical eco­nomic decline of 2009 and forecasted slow recovery. What regards the impact of enlargement on the quality of institutions, so far most evidence shows that new members have not changed radically the functioning of the EU, and the implementation of the EU norms has been better than expected, with Lithuania consistently being one of the leading countries in terms of transposi­tion of the internal market norms. This has been explained by the pre-accession habits of compliance as well as the institutional set up of European policy coordination in the accession countries. Comparatively good record of compliance also allows to maintain that EU is able to cope with the future enlargements as well. Finally, the article assesses the main European policy priorities in Lithuania, in particular the reasons for some failures (such as the failure to join the eurozone in 2007) and achievements (accession into Schengen area, acknowledgement of the importance of integrating the Baltic states into the energy market of the EU). It used the criteria of member state influance in the EU suggested by Helen Wallace to evalu­ate the record of Lithuania in advancing towards the implementation of two goals on the incomplete agenda of accession process (EMU and Schengen area membership) as well as the Eastern Neighborhood and Common Energy policies. It argues that most European policy failures have been due to the inconsistency and low credibil­ity of some domestic policies. The article concludes by providing venues for future research of European policy after the enlargement, in particular the areas of in the impact of enlargement on the functioning of the EU, the participation of the new member states in the policy process of the EU as well as the ability to upload their domestic preferences on the EU agenda. ; Straipsnyje analizuojami Europos Sąjungos plėtros padariniai naujųjų Sąjungos narių, senbuvių ir pačios ES ekonomikai, politiniam procesui ir ins­titucijoms, daugiausia dėmesio skiriant Lietuvos patirčiai. Pirmiausia prista­tomos su ES plėtra susijusios prognozės, kurios sudarė diskusijų rengiantis plėtrai pagrindą, o vėliau šios prognozės ir išankstiniai vertinimai lyginami su atliktais paskesniais plėtros poveikio vertinimais, taip pat aptariant skirtin­gą plėtros poveikį atskiroms šalims. Staipsnyje teigiama, kad nors integra­cija visoms ES valstybėms narėms daro panašų poveikį, tai, kiek jos teikia­mos galimybės yra išnaudojamos, priklauso nuo valstybių narių nacionalinės politikos. Pirmųjų penkerių metų Lietuvos narystės ES patirtis leidžia teigti, kad nors iki 2008 m. Lietuvos ekonomika buvo viena iš sparčiausiai augu­sių ES, bet viešojoje politikoje vyravusi stagnacija ir neatliktos pertvarkos lėmė lėtą ekonomikos restruktūrizaciją, didesnį nei daugumos kitų ES šalių ekonomikos nuosmukį ir gali ilgesniam laikui sustabdyti suartėjimo su ES gyvenimo lygiu procesą. Taip pat teigiama, kad Lietuva ir kitos naujosios narės gana sklandžiai įsitraukė į ES institucijų darbą ir dažnai pirmauja prieš ES senbuves pagal Sąjungos teisės normų perėmimą, tačiau daugeliu Euro pos darbotvarkės klausimų laikosi pasyvios politikos. Pagrindiniais Lietuvos Europos politikos klausimais po įstojimo į ES galima laikyti dar neužbaigtą integracijos darbotvarkę (stojimą į Šengeno erdvę ir euro zoną) bei ES Rytų kaimynystės politiką ir energetikos politiką, tačiau šių prioritetų įgyvendini­mas kol kas vertintinas prieštaringai.

A fundamental fact seems relatively clear: Americans do not personally like to fight in wars, especially and most particularly as members of ground forces. Indeed, Americans have greatly and often passionately-sometimes even violently-resisted personal participation in combat and have used various means including political efforts, to avoid circumstances that could require such participation.

Im Jahr 2022 fand in Österreich die erste nationale Klimarat statt, der sich aus zufällig ausgewählten Bürger:innen zusammensetzte. Dieser sollte konkrete Vorschläge und Maßnahmen zur Erreichung des Ziels der Klimaneutralität bis 2040 erarbeiten. Damit wurde eine Kernforderungen des Klimavolksbegehrens, nämlich der österreichischen Bevölkerung ein aktives Mitspracherecht in der Klimapolitik einzuräumen, aufgegriffen. In diesem Beitrag werden vier übergreifende Thematiken, die auf Basis der Evaluation des Klimarats erarbeitet wurden, diskutiert: Erstens, ein Überblick zu den treibenden Kräften, zur Ausgestaltung und den Ergebnissen des Klimarats; zweitens, eine Untersuchung der Art und Weise, wie der Klimarat mit der repräsentativen Demokratie interagiert und mit ihr verbunden ist; drittens, die Identifizierung von Lehren für Organisator:innen und Moderator:innen und viertens, soll ein Beitrag zur theoretischen und praktischen Weiterentwicklung partizipativ-deliberativer Entscheidungsfindungen geleistet werden.