Suchergebnisse

Summary. The purpose of the current research is to analyse the evolution of social and political views of H. Kholodnyi, the director of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language (1926 – 1929), in the context of his public activities. The methodical basis of the article rests on principles of hystorism and objectivity and includes a retrospective method and a biographic method. The academic novelty of the current research is the first attempt to reveal and analyse social and political beliefs of H. Kholodnyi. Conclusions. In the result of thorough investigation it has become possible to distinguish three periods in the evolution and establishment of H. Kholodnyi's civic position. Thus, the 1912 – 1917s were mainly devoted to the participation in the Ukrainophile hromada (1912 – 1917) and the Society of Ukrainian Postupovtsi (1916 – 1917). H. Kholodnyi had supported the concept of Ukraine's autonomy as part of the Russian state before the revolution broke out in 1917. The second period lasted from 1917 to 1924. It was the time when H. Kholodnyi worked as a school principle and carried out managerial work at Chernihiv Scientific Society, Prosvita, and Chernihiv Church Council to promote Ukrainian education and science and unite people. After the adoption of the Fourth Universal of the Central Ukrainian Council, he supported the idea of independent Ukraine and upheld this view throughout his life. The third period from 1924 to 1929 was characterized by the rejection of any form of political activity and transition to purely educational and scientific projects, in particular in the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language. He managed to express his patriotic position through didactic work with schoolchildren and through the development of Ukrainian humanitarian studies and scientific terminology.

Summary. The purpose of the current research is to analyse the evolution of social and political views of H. Kholodnyi, the director of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language (1926 – 1929), in the context of his public activities. The methodical basis of the article rests on principles of hystorism and objectivity and includes a retrospective method and a biographic method. The academic novelty of the current research is the first attempt to reveal and analyse social and political beliefs of H. Kholodnyi. Conclusions. In the result of thorough investigation it has become possible to distinguish three periods in the evolution and establishment of H. Kholodnyi's civic position. Thus, the 1912 – 1917s were mainly devoted to the participation in the Ukrainophile hromada (1912 – 1917) and the Society of Ukrainian Postupovtsi (1916 – 1917). H. Kholodnyi had supported the concept of Ukraine's autonomy as part of the Russian state before the revolution broke out in 1917. The second period lasted from 1917 to 1924. It was the time when H. Kholodnyi worked as a school principle and carried out managerial work at Chernihiv Scientific Society, Prosvita, and Chernihiv Church Council to promote Ukrainian education and science and unite people. After the adoption of the Fourth Universal of the Central Ukrainian Council, he supported the idea of independent Ukraine and upheld this view throughout his life. The third period from 1924 to 1929 was characterized by the rejection of any form of political activity and transition to purely educational and scientific projects, in particular in the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language. He managed to express his patriotic position through didactic work with schoolchildren and through the development of Ukrainian humanitarian studies and scientific terminology.

Summary. The purpose of the current research is to analyse the evolution of social and political views of H. Kholodnyi, the director of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language (1926 – 1929), in the context of his public activities. The methodical basis of the article rests on principles of hystorism and objectivity and includes a retrospective method and a biographic method. The academic novelty of the current research is the first attempt to reveal and analyse social and political beliefs of H. Kholodnyi. Conclusions. In the result of thorough investigation it has become possible to distinguish three periods in the evolution and establishment of H. Kholodnyi's civic position. Thus, the 1912 – 1917s were mainly devoted to the participation in the Ukrainophile hromada (1912 – 1917) and the Society of Ukrainian Postupovtsi (1916 – 1917). H. Kholodnyi had supported the concept of Ukraine's autonomy as part of the Russian state before the revolution broke out in 1917. The second period lasted from 1917 to 1924. It was the time when H. Kholodnyi worked as a school principle and carried out managerial work at Chernihiv Scientific Society, Prosvita, and Chernihiv Church Council to promote Ukrainian education and science and unite people. After the adoption of the Fourth Universal of the Central Ukrainian Council, he supported the idea of independent Ukraine and upheld this view throughout his life. The third period from 1924 to 1929 was characterized by the rejection of any form of political activity and transition to purely educational and scientific projects, in particular in the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language. He managed to express his patriotic position through didactic work with schoolchildren and through the development of Ukrainian humanitarian studies and scientific terminology.

1. Introduction : Evola in context -- 2. Magic, idealism and the need for the absolute -- 3. Tradition and history -- 4. 'A rigorous political doctrine' -- 5. Nations, nationalism, empire and Europe -- 6. The strategy for the right : men and ruins -- 7. Race, sex and anti-Semitism -- 8. Conclusion : Evola and modern conservatism.

Social scientist Archie Mafeje, who was born in the Eastern Cape but lived most of his scholarly life in exile, was one of Africa's most prominent intellectuals. This ground-breaking book is the first to consider the entire body of Mafeje's oeuvre and offers much-needed engagement with his ideas. The most inclusive and critical treatment to date of Mafeje as a thinker and researcher, it does not aim to be a biography, but rather offers an analysis of his overall scholarship and his role as a theoretician of liberation and revolution in Africa. Bongani Nyoka argues that Mafeje's superb scholarship developed out of both his experience as an oppressed black person and his early political education. These, merged with his university training, turned him into a formidable cutting-edge intellectual force. Nyoka begins with an evaluation of Mafeje's critique of the social sciences; his focus then shifts to Mafeje's work on land and agrarian issues in sub-Saharan Africa, before finally dealing with his work on revolutionary theory and politics. By bringing Mafeje's work to the fore, Nyoka engages in an act of knowledge decolonisation, thus making a unique contribution to South studies in sociology, history and politics.

T. Marshall (1965) noted that social rights are more familiar to and important for citizens than political ones. Current research focused on the comparison(s) of the views of elderly persons and young individuals in areas of social and political rights. Procedures involved structured phone interviews (CATI system; Saint-Petersburg) with random sample subject groups of 450 respondents 60 and older (E) and 530 18-29 years old (Y).