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The Financial Inclusion Newsletter is a quarterly electronic publication for individuals from developing member countries of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), researchers, experts, professionals, and others who are interested in the financial inclusion sector. Each issue covers a variety of topics in the sector, with a focus on stories about ADB projects; experts' experiences and recommendations; ADB events, training programs, and conferences; and important events outside of ADB.

The Financial Inclusion Newsletter is a quarterly electronic publication for individuals from developing member countries of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), researchers, experts, professionals, and others who are interested in the financial inclusion sector. Each issue covers a variety of topics in the sector, with a focus on stories about ADB projects; experts' experiences and recommendations; ADB events, training programs, and conferences; and important events outside of ADB.

The Financial Inclusion Newsletter is a quarterly electronic publication for individuals from developing member countries of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), researchers, experts, professionals, and others who are interested in the financial inclusion sector. Each issue covers a variety of topics in the sector, with a focus on stories about ADB projects; experts' experiences and recommendations; ADB events, training programs, and conferences; and important events outside of ADB.

The Financial Inclusion Newsletter is a quarterly electronic publication for individuals from developing member countries of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), researchers, experts, professionals, and others who are interested in the financial inclusion sector. Each issue covers a variety of topics in the sector, with a focus on stories about ADB projects; experts' experiences and recommendations; ADB events, training programs, and conferences; and important events outside of ADB.

This paper examines the limitations of the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM) as a regional financial safety net in East Asia, and proposes a new regional financial arrangement. To overcome the drawbacks of the CMIM, which has never been activated so far, a new regional financial arrangement suggests that ASEAN+3 members establish a regional reserve system based on a supranational regional reserve asset. The new regional financial arrangement, so-called 'Reserve Liquidity Line' (RLL), guarantees a degree of automaticity in liquidity facility, based on upfront funding instead of pledge funding. As a backdrop of the regional reserve system, some market movements have been manifested to reduce excessive U.S. dollar dependency in East Asia and to enhance the use of local currencies. Establishing the RLL mechanism could find a way of making up for the weak points of the CMIM and responding to the regional needs for effective regional financial arrangements. The proposed operational mechanism of RLL comprises (i) institution building of 'ASEAN+3 Reserves System' (ARS) to manage the 'Regional Reserves Asset' (RRA), (ii) an Operations Account and a Substitution Account, and (iii) a sort of basket exchange rate for RRA valuation.

The Financial Inclusion Newsletter is a quarterly electronic publication for individuals from developing member countries of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), researchers, experts, professionals, and others who are interested in the financial inclusion sector. Each issue covers a variety of topics in the sector, with a focus on stories about ADB projects; experts' experiences and recommendations; ADB events, training programs, and conferences; and important events outside of ADB.

Foreword by Professor Stathis Kalyvas, Oxford -- SECTION A: Technologies of Violence in Africa -- 1. Systemic and Epistemic Violence in Africa; Patricia Pinky Ndlovu: Chair of Sociology and Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Professor and Chair of Epistemologies of the Global South with Emphasis on Africa and Vice-Dean of Research in the "Africa Multiple Cluster of Excellence" -- 2. Theoretical underpinnings of violence in Africa; Clive Tendai Zimunya: Lecturer of Philosophy and Obert Bernard Mlambo, Associate Professor of Classical Studies and History -- 3. Technologies of Violence in Africa; Obert Bernard Mlambo, Associate Professor of Classical Studies and History and Wesley Mwatwara, Historian -- 4. Of Exile as Violence in Lewis Nkosi's Thought; Tendayi Sithole, Department of Political Sciences -- 5. Africa and violence: the metamorphosis and the participation of Child soldiers in conflict zones; Toyin Cotties Adetiba, Department of Political and International Studies -- 6. Structural violence and resource curse in Angola -- 7. Violence against nature in Africa: a historical assessment; Marlino Eugénio Mubai, History, Environmental and Political Ecology -- SECTION B: The State and Violence in Africa -- 8. Understanding Electoral Violence in Africa; Matlosa Khabele, African Union Commission Director for Political Affairs -- 9. Understanding violence from an interpersonal perspective: The case of Zimbabwe and state sponsored violence; Chenai G. Matshaka, Centre for Mediation in Africa and Ruth Murambadoro, the Centre for Feminist Research -- 10. 'Dirge to Slit Bodies': EndSARS, Police Brutality and Nigerian Dystopia in Jumoke Verissimo and James Yéku's Soro Soke: When Poetry Speaks Up; Ayokunmi O. Ojebode, the Institute for Name-Studies (INS) -- 11. The Silent Violence in Africa- Manifestations of Political Violence; Annie Barbara Chikwanha, Politics and International Relations -- 12. Beyond ethnicity: Reflections on the history and politics of violence in Uganda; Evarist Ngabirano, the Makerere Institute of Social Research (MISR) -- 13. Ungoverned Space and National Security in Nigeria; Arinze Ngwube, Department of Political Science -- 14. Bound to violence? Interrogating violence in Francophone African literatures; G. Ncube, Stellenbosch University -- SECTION C: Children, Youth and Violence -- 15. Child Soldiers, Conflict and Cultures of Violence in Contemporary Africa, c.1980-2000s; Stacey Hynd, African History and Co-Director of the Centre for Imperial & Global History -- 16. Youth, Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons and Conflicts in 21st Century Africa; Babayo Sule, Department of Political Science and Ibrahim Kawuley, Department of Political Science -- 17. Youth, Violence and Political Accumulation: Urban militias in Harare; Simbarashe Gukurume, Sociology and Social Anthropology and Godfrey Maringira, Sol Plaatje University -- 18. "Even the Holy Book Recommends it"? Corporal Punishment, the Bible and Sacred Violence in Southern Africa; Ezra Chitando, Phenomenology and History of Religion -- 19. "Even the Holy Book Recommends it"? Corporal Punishment, the Bible and Sacred Violence in Southern Africa; Ezra Chitando, Phenomenology and History of Religion -- SECTION D: Violence, Memory and the Law in Africa -- 20. Discourses on Political Violence and State Legitimation in Official Commissions of Inquiry in Africa; Claire-Anne Lester, Stellenbosch University (Legal Sociology, Political Transitions, Transitional Justice); 21. Remembrance as a confrontation of violence? A religio-ethical consideration of the role of memory in a Zimbabwe established and ruled by violence; Collium Banda, Theology; 22. Geographies of Violence and Informalization: The Case of Mathare Slums in Nairobi, Kenya; Maurice Omollo, Maasai Mara Universit and Solomon Waliaula, Maasai Mara University -- 23. Piracy and Violence off the Coast of Nigeria: A Theoretical Analysis; Kalu Kingsley, the Cultural Heritage Preservation Research Institute -- 24. Incest as Dismissal: Anthropology and Clinics of Silence; Parfait D. Akana, Sociologist & Anthropologist -- 25. Violence and post-coloniality in contemporary Zimbabwean literature: the works of Chenjerai Hove; Oliver Nyambi, University of the Free State -- SECTION E: Religion and Cultural Violence in Africa -- 26. In God's Name: Drivers of Violent Extremism in the Northeast Nigeria; Jacinta Chiamaka Nwaka, Peace and Conflict History -- 27. The Epistemic Scaffolding of Religious Violence; Kizito Kiyimba, SJ -- 28. Life transforming Intercultural Pastoral Care and Counseling with transgender and intersex communities in Botswana; Tshenolo Madigele: Theology Lecturer and Oabona Sepora: Institute of Development Management -IDM -- 29. Enchanted Worldviews and Violence Against Persons with Albinism in Sub-Saharan Africa; Francis Benyah, The Study of Religions -- 30. Violence against persons with albinism in Malawi; Jones Hamburu Mawerenga, Systematic Theology, Christian Ethics, and African Theology -- SECTION F: Gender and Violence in Africa; 31. Sexual Violence Against Girls and Women in African Conflict; Veronica Fynn Bruey, Legal Studies -- 32. Persisting inequalities: An intersectional view of climate change, gender and violence; Mary Nyasimi, Inclusive Climate Change Adaptation for a Sustainable Africa and Veronica Nonhlanhla Jakarasi -- 33. Violence against Women in Egypt: A Closer Look at Female Genital Mutilation and Intimate Partner Violence; Yasmin Khodary -- 34. Gender based violence in Ghana:experiences of persons with disabilities in two selected areas; Mantey Efua Esaaba, Social Work -- 35. African Diaspora Women Perpetuating Violence Against Men in the United Kingdom; Nomatter Sande -- 36. Adolescent Boys, Young Men and Mental Health in Southern Africa; Mutsawashe Chitando: Public Health, Health Economics Unit and Division -- SECTION G: Preventing Violent Conflict in Africa -- 37. Developing a Framework for Ending Violence in Africa; David Kaulemu, Philosophy -- 38. Confronting dysfunctional military violence in Africa's electoral spaces: A call for specialised civilian oversight institutions; James Tsabora, Law in the Faculty of Law -- 39. Managing electoral violence through constructive use of social media: Transforming and empowering vulnerable urban youth in Kenya; Joyce W. Gikandi: Christine W. Njuguna, Joan Kabaria- Muriithi, Lucy Kathuri-Ogola -- 40. Managing Conflict in Africa: Challenges and Opportunities for the African Union;Victor H Mlambo: University of Johannesburg School of Public Management, Governance and Public Policy, Ernest Toochi Aniche, Department of Political Science, and Mandla Mfundo Masuku, School of Built Environment and Development Studies -- 41. Through the Afrocentricity Lens: Terror and Insurgency and Implications for Regional Integration in Southern Africa: Reference from Cabo Delgado Province, Mozambique; Daniel N. Mlambo, Tshwane University of Technology -- 42. Insurgency in Mozambique: Incorporating NATO's Article 5 to the Region's Quest for Collective Defence;Victor H Mlambo: University of Johannesburg School of Public Management, Governance and Public Policy, and Mfundo Mandla Masuku: School of Built Environment and Development Studies, and Daniel N. Mlambo: Department of Public Management.

The EU has condemned Iran's April 14 drone and missile attack against Israel conducted in response to Israel's lethal bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus, Syria on April 1. However, while the condemnation is unanimous, EU officials and individual member states have different positions on the issue.Those differences broadly reflect the pre-existing divisions on the Middle East since the war in Gaza started last October. Even though the EU is united in its calls for restraint and de-escalation, these divisions are limiting the diplomatic role Europe could play in actually bringing those objectives closer to reality.The main fault-line is between the moderates who see the Gaza war's root causes and in turn push for an immediate ceasefire, and the hawks who prioritize Israel's nearly unqualified right using any means necessary to defend itself above any other consideration. These attitudes have conditioned responses to the conflict between Israel and Iran.Hours after the Iranian attack, the EU high representative for foreign policy Josep Borrell issued a brief condemnatory statement on behalf of 27 member states. In a separate interview, Borrell, a key member of the moderate camp, evaded the question of whether the EU would support Israel if Tel Aviv were to retaliate against Tehran. Instead, he emphasized the need for de-escalation and warned against sleepwalking into a regional war.He also said there are those who'd wish such an escalation to occur because would divert attention from the war and humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, in what could be interpreted as a snipe at Israel's beleaguered Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Among the EU member states, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, a notable moderate, made sure to condemn, alongside the Iranian attack, "all forms of violence that threaten the safety and well-being of innocent civilians," in a likely reference to Gaza, and called for conflict resolution through diplomatic channels. In another comment, Sanchez didn't even mention Iran, limiting his statement to an expression of a "maximum concern" at the regional escalation.At the other end of the spectrum is Germany which accused Iran of bringing the Middle East to the brink of the abyss through its "dangerous behavior." The German foreign ministry vowed to "diplomatically secure Israel's defensive victory" — without explaining what such a victory would entail and how it is supposed to be achieved all the while preventing a further escalation.Other European heavy-hitters — France and the non-EU United Kingdom — have equally taken strongly pro-Israeli stances. French President Emmanuel Macron called for Iran's isolation as an alternative to the "conflagration," including through "convincing the countries of the region that Iran is a danger, imposing more sanctions and pressure against Iran, also on its nuclear activities."British Foreign Minister David Cameron, meanwhile, offered a "complete understanding" for Israel's bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus, on the grounds that it housed the IRGC personnel which "have done terrible things all over the world." Cameron was seemingly oblivious to the fact that it's a common practice for diplomatic premises to host military or intelligence officers, some of whom may not be the paragons of respect for human rights and adherence to international law.It seems that on the EU level, the hawks are having an upper hand. At its informal discussion on April 16, the bloc's foreign ministers agreed to pursue new sanctions against Iran concerning, notably, the alleged provision of drones and missiles to Tehran's allies in the region, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and various Shiite groups in Syria and Iraq. They also agreed to identify and close whatever loopholes remain in the implementation of the existing sanctions on the supply of the components used for the production of unmanned aerial vehicles in Iran. These new measures are expected to be imposed on Iran at the formal foreign ministers meeting on April 22.Yet the hawks' victory does not seem to be complete: contrary to a push from some member states and support from Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission and formally Borrell's boss, there is still no agreement on the terrorist designation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). Borrell reiterated his position that such a listing would require a court decision from an EU member state that would have established the IRGC's involvement in terrorist activity on the EU soil. Presently, there is no such judicial ruling. The real reason, however, seems to be political: reluctance to further deteriorate the already seriously strained relations with Iran over a mostly symbolic designation.The EU is right in calling Iran to the task — a strike on a sovereign state, in the circumstances it took place, is a flagrant violation of the international law and cannot be accepted as a new normal. Yet the unambiguity of the condemnation of Iran's actions and the alacrity with which the direction of the new sanctions has been agreed stands in a sharp contrast with Europe's inability to bring the tiniest of consequences to bear on Israel, six months after its destructive war in Gaza.Equally of note, France and Britain, together with the United States, blocked a statement in the U.N. Security Council condemning Israel's attack on the Iranian consulate in Syria — a statement that, according to some experts, could have prevented an Iranian retaliation.Taking a tough stance on Iran, while justified on its own terms in light of Tehran's actions, seems to be a price Europe is willing to pay in order to convince Israel to exercise restraint in its own retaliation plans. However, de-escalation imperative requires that attempts to reassure Israel of Europe's support be balanced by an outreach to Tehran.If Europe were to follow Macron's and other hawks' calls for Iran's isolation, it would risk losing whatever leverage it still retains there. And Europe would need that leverage if it were to try to convince Tehran not to unleash an even stronger response to Israel's hypothetical retaliation.

Twenty-one years ago, the U.S. and its allies invaded Iraq in the erroneous belief that the country possessed weapons of mass destruction and was allied with al-Qaida, the terror group responsible for the 9/11 attacks. The U.S. created an occupation authority, but failed to restore order and helped spawn the insurgency that bedeviled it by dismissing the entire Iraqi military and the most experienced civil servants. Coalition troops fought a losing battle, regained their footing with the 2007 troop surge, and finally departed in 2011. U.S. troops returned in 2014 to fight the Islamic State and they remain there to this day, though ISIS was largely eliminated by 2019.In January 2020, Iraq's parliament voted on a nonbinding measure to remove the U.S. troops from Iraq, but the Americans remain at the request of the Iraqi government. However, in response to the parliament's 2020 vote, Iraq and the International Coalition changed the mission of the troops from a combat mission to one of advisory and training.Iraq's prime minister, Mohammed Shia' Al Sudani, will meet U.S. President Joe Biden on April 15, primarily to discuss the U.S. troop presence. Though the U.S.-Iraq Higher Military Commission is reviewing the troop presence issue, will the U.S. side stall fearing it may have to agree to a smaller presence and constrained operations? Possibly, so Sudani may want a public commitment from Biden to force the march to a constructive, timely decision.Aside from the troops issue, Sudani wants to strengthen Baghdad's ties with Washington, which he considers Iraq's top bilateral relationship, and to add an economic dimension to Iraq's ties with America.When Americans think of Iraq in economic terms it's all about the oil, but in November 2023 ExxonMobil, America's biggest oil company, exited Iraq with nothing to show for a decade-long effort. The departure will lower the expectation of other U.S. companies, but Sudani wants to revitalize economic ties, and he will be accompanied by many of the country's top businessmen.U.S.-Iraq trade has room for growth. In 2022, the U.S. exported $897 million in goods, the top product being automobiles. Iraq, in turn, exported $10.3 billion in goods, most of it crude oil.A key economic objective of Iraq is the $17 billion Development Road, an overland road and rail link from the Persian Gulf to Europe via Turkey, that will host free-trade zones along its length.Biden and Sudani should consider the shape of the future U.S.-Iraq relationship, which has to now been governed by military considerations, and has become the best example of The Meddler's Trap, "a situation of self-entanglement, whereby a leader inadvertently creates a problem through military intervention, feels they can solve it, and values solving the new problem more because of the initial intervention. …A military intervention causes a feeling of ownership of the foreign territory, triggering the endowment effect." Iraq is the only real democracy in the Arab world, and many young Iraqis want a separation of religion and state, something that should resonate with Americans and, Iraqis hope, cause the U.S. to deal with Iraq as Iraq, not a platform for operations against Syria and Iran, or to support Washington's Kurdish clients.Washington damaged itself in Iraq by killing Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis in January 2020. Baghdad had moved the PMF, once a militia, into the government in 2016 (no doubt with American encouragement), so the killing of Muhandis, then a government official, increased popular support the PMF.What are some clouds on the horizon for the U.S. and Iraq?Corruption. Pervasive corruption in Iraq has slowed economic development and subjected Iraqi citizens to ineffective governance. The 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International ranked Iraq 154 of 180, a slight improvement from 2022 when it ranked 157 of 180.Iraq was previously described by TI as: "Among the worst countries on corruption and governance indicators, with corruption risks exacerbated by lack of experience in the public administration, weak capacity to absorb the influx of aid money, sectarian issues and lack of political will for anti-corruption efforts."Sudani has not ignored corruption, calling it one of the country's greatest challenges and "no less serious than the threat of terrorism."Elizabeth Tsurkov. Tsurkov is a Russian-Israeli academic who was kidnapped in 2023 by Kata'ib Hezbollah, an Iranian-influenced Iraqi militia. Tsurkov, a doctoral student at Princeton University in the U.S., entered Iraq with her Russian passport and did not disclose that she was an Israeli citizen and Israeli Defense Forces veteran. (A 2022 Iraqi law criminalized any relations with Israel.)Tsurkov's family wants the Biden administration to designate Iraq a state sponsor of terrorism for failing to secure her release. Sudani's office announced an investigation into the matter and the issue may arise when Sudani meets Biden, though the best outcome for Iraq and the U.S. is a Russia-brokered deal between Israel and Iran.If Biden designates Iraq a state sponsor of terrorism that will irreparably damage the relationship and open the door for China.China. The U.S. is Iraq's top relationship, but not its only relationship. China will respond to the ostracism of Baghdad by extending invitations to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS, the latter of which can fund infrastructure projects through the New Development Bank. PetroChina replaced ExxonMobil in West Qurna 1, one of Iraq's biggest oil fields, and is ideally positioned for further expansion. And Iraq was the "leading beneficiary" of China's Belt and Road Initiative investment in 2021.Sudani has said Iraq should not be a cockpit of conflict for the U.S, and Iran, but when Iran is concerned it, in Washington, is always 1979. Though Sudani has many challenges to face, Biden has more: he must reorient his government away from its colonial mentality in West Asia, recognize that Baghdad must reach a modus vivendi with Tehran that may not be to Washington's pleasure, and not smooth the way for Beijing's greater penetration of West Asia.

This study analyses how and why developing countries internalise and enforce (or not) policies promoted and prescribed through the EU's governance approach in Zambia. The motivation of this research is the arguments made in the scant literature on policy transfer, which predominantly privileges the policy entrepreneur such as the EU and lack of structured analysis on the EU's governance approach. First, the limited documentation on developing countries as policy recipients assumes that they accept and implement policies due to fear of consequences or in return for financial incentives. Second, the literature supposes that a policy transfer process is smooth, automatic and uncontested. Third, the EU introduced a 'new' governance approach in its development cooperation, which was accompanied by an incentive tranche. The approach assumed that recipients would commit and reform governance areas in return for financial incentives. This tranche faced resistance and partners such as Zambia never implemented most commitments. Despite this, there are limited studies on this approach. This qualitative study goes beyond explaining the spread of the EU's governance reforms and explores the adoption and implementation process of the changes promoted and prescribed in Zambia. A case study method is employed, and governance-related programmes are examined. In particular, the study analyses the Support to the Electoral Cycle Management project and Access to Justice programme, through which electoral processes and judicial and law reforms, amongst a few, were adopted. In addition to analysing the two cases, this study relied on interviews with Zambian academics, bureaucrats, civil servants, consultants and practitioners as additional first evidence on why Zambian actors would adopt and enforce EU governance reforms domestically or not. These semi-structured interviews also allowed the study to obtain descriptions of the world of the interviewee concerning interpreting the meaning of the described phenomena. While following the core tenets of social constructivism, the study makes use of the policy transfer framework to conceptualise the interactions, implementation and opposition of EU reforms in Zambia from the policy recipient's perspective. An analysis of these case studies and interviews showed that the policy transfer process is not self-perpetuating as recipients of policy are not passive actors. While the EU transfers reforms of policies, the Zambian Government and national institutions can decide whether to internalise or oppose the reforms. Therefore, the fear of consequence or increased development aid does not necessarily ensure enforcement of policies by the recipients. Instead there are factors within the adoption mechanisms (conditionalities, incentives, policy transfer entrepreneurs, multileveling and lesson drawing) that determine whether the policy recipient will copy and harmonise the transferred policies at the domestic level or not. These factors include inclusion and ownership; social appropriateness; social, financial and trade benefits; political will of domestic actors to reform and the nature of the partnership between the recipient and the entrepreneur. The study makes some empirical and theoretical contributions. The study highlights what the EU's development cooperation could be doing to ensure efficiency and effectiveness from both partners, amongst other contributions. This study also illustrates that material factors are not the driving force for adopting and implementing policies at the domestic level. The Zambian Government and national institutions are active in deciding the direction and tenor of governance. The adoption and implementation of transferred policies are dependent on the presence of social, economic, political, institutional and policy factors in the adoption pathways. Furthermore, the study finds that policy transfer and a social constructivist approach as conceptual and theoretical worldview offer a plausible explanation for the internalisation process beyond what the conventional International Relations theories on the EU can do. ; Diese Studie erläutert wie und warum die Entwicklungsländer, die im Rahmen des Europäische Union (EU) 'Governance Approach' in Sambia geförderte und vorgeschriebene Verfahrensweisen verinnerlichen und umsetzen (oder nicht). Die Motivation dieser Forschung sind die Fehlen einer strukturierten Analyse des 'Governance Approach' der EU und die Lücken und Grenzen in der existierenden Literatur zum Thema Politik-Transfer die überwiegend den Fokus auf Politikunternehmer wie die EU legen. Erstens geht die begrenzte Literatur über Entwicklungsländer als Empfänger der Politik davon aus, dass diese aus Angst vor Konsequenzen oder als Gegenleistung für finanzielle Anreize Richtlinien akzeptieren und umsetzen. Zweitens geht die Literatur davon aus, dass ein Politikübertragungsprozess reibungslos, automatisch und unangefochten stattfindet. Schließlich führte die EU einen neuen 'Governance Approach' in ihrer Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ein, begleitet von einem finanziellen Anreizsystem, 'governance incentive tranche'. Dieses Anreizsystem rief Widerstand hervor und Partner wie bspw. Sambia haben die meisten Verpflichtungen nicht übernommen. Abgesehen davon gibt es wenige Studien über diesen Ansatz. Diese qualitative Studie geht über die Erklärung der Verbreitung der 'Governance' Reformen der EU hinaus und untersucht den Prozess der Übernahme und Umsetzung der in Sambia angekündigten und vorgeschriebenen Änderungen. Es wird eine Fallstudienmethode angewendet und es werden 'Governance' bezogene Programme untersucht. In der Studie werden insbesondere das Projekt 'Support to the Electoral Cycle Management' und das Programm 'Access to Justice' analysiert, durch die unter anderem Wahlprozesse und Justiz- und Gesetzesreformen verabschiedet wurden. Die Studie folgt den Kernprinzipien des sozialen Konstruktivismus und nutzt die Rahmenbedingungen für den Politiktransfer um die Umsetzung und die Ablehnung von EU-Reformen in Sambia aus der Perspektive des politischen Empfängers zu konzeptualisieren. Neben der Analyse der beiden Fallstudien stützte sich diese Studie auf Interviews mit sambischen Akademikern, Bürokraten, Beamten, Beratern und Praktikern. Dies ist ein zusätzlicher erster Hinweis darauf, warum sambische Akteure die Reformen der EU-Governance im Inland annehmen oder durchsetzen. Diese semi-strukturierten Interviews ermöglichten es der Studie auch, Beschreibungen der Welt des Befragten bezüglich der Interpretation der Bedeutung der beschriebenen Phänomene zu erhalten. Eine Analyse dieser Fallstudien und Interviews hat gezeigt, dass der Prozess des Politik- Transfers nicht selbstbeständig ist, da die Empfänger von Governance-Politik keine passiven Akteure sind. Während die EU Politik Reformen transferiert, können die sambische Regierung und die nationalen Institutionen entscheiden, ob sie diese Reformen verinnerlichen oder ablehnen werden. Daher gewährleistet die Furcht vor Konsequenzen oder vermehrte Entwicklungshilfe nicht unbedingt die Durchsetzung von Richtlinien. Stattdessen Faktoren wie Inklusion und 'ownership'; soziale Angemessenheit; soziale, finanzielle und handelspolitische Vorteile; eine Initiative der nationalen Akteure zur Reform und zur Art der Partnerschaft zwischen Politikempfänger und Politikunternehmer, die im Rahmen der Adoptionsmechanismen vorhanden ist (Konditionalitäten, Anreize, 'Policy Transfer Entrepreneurs', 'Multileveling' und 'Lesson Drawing'), gewährleistet das Kopieren, Nachahmen und Harmonisieren der übertragenen Politiken auf nationaler Ebene. Das Fehlen dieser Faktoren in den Mechanismen führt zur Nichtübertragung. Die Studie leistet einige empirische und theoretische Beiträge. Die Studie hebt hervor, was die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit der EU tun könnte, um neben anderen Beiträgen Effizienz und Wirksamkeit beider Partner zu gewährleisten. Diese Studie zeigt auch, dass materielle Faktoren nicht die treibende Kraft für die Annahme und Umsetzung von Maßnahmen auf nationaler Ebene sind. Die sambische Regierung und die nationalen Institutionen bestimmen aktiv die Richtung und die Dauer der Regierungsführung. Die Annahme und Umsetzung der übertragenen Maßnahmen hängt von der Präsenz sozialer, wirtschaftlicher, politischer, institutioneller und politischer Faktoren ab, unter anderem in dem Prozess der Annahme. Darüber hinaus stellt die Studie fest, dass der 'Politik-Transfer' und ein sozial konstruktivistischer Ansatz als konzeptionelles und theoretisches Weltbild eine plausible Erklärung für den Internalisierungsprozess darstellen, die über das hinausgeht, was herkömmliche Internationale Beziehung-Theorien über die EU leisten können.

During COVID-19, early-childhood school closings led to higher levels of stress in parents when compared to childless adults. In addition, lack of time to prepare, as well as mental-health problems, worry, and stress in parenting, may have hampered parents' ability to support their children's educational needs. The research aims to solve the problem of early childhood parenting during learning from home and improve the quality of early childhood parenting. The research method uses the research and development stage of the Borg & Gall model. Participants are mothers who have children aged 5-6 years. The data collection technique was done through expert validation and effectiveness testing with a quasi-experimental design. The data analysis used paired t-test statistical analysis. The findings show that the validity of the results of the material expert's test is 96%, and the media expert's test is 94% in the very good category. The effectiveness test based on the pre-test and post-test results showed that Sig. (2-tailed) <0,05 (α), which means that the parenting e-book media significantly increases mothers' understanding of parenting well-being practices in early childhood. The implications of this multimedia-based anyflip e-book can be downloaded via gadgets, android, laptop, practical, easy to read and repeated to accompany childcare activities from home. Keywords: Anyflip E-book, Early Childhood, Parenting References Banerjee, A., Hanna, R., Kyle, J., Olken, B. A., & Sumarto, S. (2019). Private Outsourcing and Competition: Subsidized Food Distribution in Indonesia. Journal of Political Economy, 127(1), 101–137. https://doi.org/10.1086/700734 Borg, W. R., & Gall, M. D. (2007). Educational Research an Introduction. Fourth Edition. Bacon Publishing. Bruni, O., Sette, S., Fontanesi, L., Baiocco, R., Laghi, F., & Baumgartner, E. (2015). Technology Use and Sleep Quality in Preadolescence and Adolescence. 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Lusíada. Direito. - ISSN 2182-4118. - S. 2, n. 19 (2018). - p. 57-67 ; In the global arena where we live, we, citizens of the world, with different nationalities, backgrounds, creeds and cultures, share the same space nevertheless maintaining our identity and cultural heritage. A new concept of citizenship is laid on multiculturalist societies, without, in many cases, engagements of cultural fusion with the host country and, those particular values, creeds and cultural manifestations, that we inherit and cherish, are being maintained abroad. Tolerance and respect for others are the main principles to accomplish and protect, in this cultural patchwork. Distinguishing the individuality and autonomy of each human being and, therefore, his cultural background, his religion, his creeds, in his new home, the country he chose as his own, aiming, in each case, and for all, the intrinsic values universally recognized to man based on the human dignity. Although today we can recognize hostile indicators to globalization, such as some actual protectionist policies mainly dealing with terrorism or the migrant crisis, however, the fact is that itinerant movements around the world have made countries a true cultural mosaic and, in many cases, for that, challenges are modelled, especially legal ones dealing with controversial relations. In this context, the year of 2018 ended with a decision of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), whose critical analysis we propose to engage. The matter is related on the applicability of the Sharia law – the Islamic religious law –, and the Mufti jurisdiction, opposing the applicability of the national law of the State in which the case was judged, in casu, the Greek Law. The Hellenic Court admitted the applicability of the Sharia law and accordingly, the material solution of this Islamic rule in opposition to the Greek Civil Code. The case brought to the ECtHR has also the peculiarity of being, first, a question of international private law considering a multiple localization of the lex rei sitae and, for that fact, the merit of the same case is still being judged, at the present moment, in another country (Turkey). Considering historical reasons and international obligations, the Hellenic Republic allows Greek citizens, of the religious Muslim minority and residents in Western Thrace, to use, in their disputes, the Sharia law and the Mufti jurisdiction. There is, in these cases a real parallel legal system and the Sharia Law can prevail, even if in conflicted solutions. The Court, sitting as a Grand Chamber delivered, on 19 December 2018, the judgment on the case of Molla Sali v. Greece (Application no. 20452/14). Nevertheless, curiously, the Strasburg Court, in this most expected judgment, at the end decided, "not to decide". However, the controversy has been launched and the case raises interesting questions mainly whether, or not, the applicability of national legislation can be excluded and accepted the solution of the Sharia law and the Mufti jurisdiction in the European Space. ; Na aldeia global em que vivemos, nós, cidadãos do mundo, com diferentes cidadanias, credos e acervos culturais, partilhamos o mesmo espaço físico, mas mantendo a nossa identidade e herança culturais. Um novo conceito de cidadania emergiu, assente no multiculturalismo, muitas vezes, sem que haja homogeneização cultural com o país que nos acolhe e, por isso, valores, credos e manifestações culturais próprias do estrangeiro são acarinhadas e mantidas. A tolerância e respeito pelos outros são princípios a cumprir e proteger, nesta manta de retalhos cultural. Distinguindo a individualidade e autonomia de cada ser humano e, por isso, a sua herança cultural, a sua religião, os seus credos, na sua nova casa, aquela que escolheu como sua, mas, em todo o caso, e para qualquer uma das posições em que nos encontremos, dentro dos valores intrínsecos universalmente reconhecidos assentes na dignidade humana. Ainda que hoje se possam identificar manifestações adversas a movimentos de globalização, como em políticas protecionistas muitas relacionadas com o terrorismo ou a gestão da crise migratória, é reconhecido que a itinerância de pessoas à volta do mundo tornou os países verdadeiros mosaicos culturais e, em muitos casos, por isso, desafios são lançados mormente ao nível legal na gestão de relações de conflito. Neste contexto, o ano de 2018 terminou com uma decisão do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos do Homem (TEDH), cuja análise critica nos propomos fazer. O busílis da questão está relacionado com a aplicabilidade da lei da Sharia – a lei religiosa Islâmica – e a jurisdição Mufti, em detrimento da aplicabilidade da lei do Estado onde o caso foi julgado, in casu, na Grécia. A decisão helénica trazida perante o TEDH está relacionada com a aplicabilidade da lei da Sharia, no Espaço Europeu, que o Estado admitiu e, para além disso, com solução material conflituante com a que resulta do Código Civil Grego. O processo trazido perante o TEDH tem a particularidade de se tratar, primeiro, de um caso de direito internacional privado, uma vez que o conflito é plurilocalizado dando-se cumprimento ao princípio da lex rei sitae e, por isso, o mérito da questão está também (e ainda) a ser julgado noutro país (Turquia). Por razões históricas e consequentes obrigações internacionais o sistema legal grego moldou-se e permite que cidadãos nacionais, da minoria religiosa muçulmana e residentes em Trácia possam, nas suas relações controvertidas, ver aplicadas as soluções da lei Islâmica, sob a jurisdição Mufti. Há, nestes casos, um verdadeiro sistema legal paralelo em que, em caso de conflito, a lei da Sharia pode prevalecer. O Tribunal decidiu a 19 de dezembro de 2018 o caso Molla Sali vs. Grécia (Processo n.º 20452/14). Não obstante, curiosamente, o Tribunal de Estrasburgo, nesta muito aguardada decisão, acabou por "não decidir". Mas, a controvérsia está lançada e o caso suscita interessantes questões sobretudo relacionadas com a aplicabilidade da lei da Sharia, e da jurisdição Mufti, com eventuais soluções díspares com a lei nacional do Estado.

Public spaces and institutions have often been linked when it comes to art practice in Bangalore. Whether it was the large-scale earthworks or the appropriation of heritage spaces taken on by artists, the spaces occupied by the public and the public art institutions have had a strong impact on the ways art gets produced in the city. There is also an additional element of reclaiming public spaces that is the struggle of most cities today. Since February this year, the artist community of Bangalore has protested against the move made by the government to 'hand over' the Venkatappa Art Gallery to a private entity. This has spurred a lot of conversations about public spaces and public resources in the city, specifically, in relation to art. Art history and the 'teaching of art' have often been celebrated as an achievement of European scholarship. It is true that a number of institutions set up to teach art in India are a colonial legacy, but what emerged post-independence is a culture of rejecting European aesthetics and trying to form a national one if it were. And in our era of post-modern/post-colonial awareness, there is a fluidity in the conduct of the institutions and in the understanding of public spaces that have contributed to the aesthetic of the contemporary artist. In the light of the recent events, this paper will examine the ways in which the art gallery and later the freeform collectives serve as educational spaces for students and subsequently, explore the implications of the lack of such spaces in the practice of art in contemporary times. Art Education in post-independence India reflected the uniquely Indianized, modern art-making. However, this modernist or 'formal' concept of art teaching and learning, prevalent during the prior era, still prevails in the majority of art schools in the country. Here, Modernist and formal are terms used with reference to the way art is made. A formal approach to painting would be in pure painting techniques that used oil/watercolour/acrylic paint on Canvas/paper. It also refers to form in the painting where there may be an abstract or figurative subject painted but it remains in the form of a painting, unlike contemporary art where the work of art is no longer restricted to a medium. It is important for us to note at this juncture that while the city that is now known as a font of conceptual and performance-based work, still retains institutions, such as the art schools that teach a modernist aesthetic. Therefore, one could safely assume that the spaces that exist outside of the art school feed into the art teaching-learning for students. That is to say, the culture that developed since the establishment of the early art schools, fostered an environment of experimentation. This kind of art practice led to the dematerialized artworks and research-led initiatives that have become a part of contemporary art in Bangalore. The art school, the way we know it is a product of a colonial legacy and a nationalist need to 'encourage' all forms of education. But is there a school that can exist without an idea, or an inheritance? An ethics of knowledge is the foundation of any school in its essential definition as a gathering place but the complexity of what that knowledge should be, how its production is configured and unfolds, who translates it across the bridges of generations and time, whether its structure is rigid or limpid in its willingness to change, whether it is resistant to external mandates or longs for the imprimatur of an outside authority, and what status and success signify for its teachers and graduates—all of these define the place of gathering, its ethical complexion, its reasons for being, and what learning means there (Madoff, 2009). It would also be good to note here that the 20th century saw significant changes in terms of artistic practice. One significant change in the these years is a 'flattening' of genres/styles/discipline. Keeping this in mind, then one can ask, how do the art schools qualify teaching the traditional practices of painting, sculpture, print-making and such as 'visual art' and nothing else? How has it become, that the residencies and collectives that spring out of art school or exist outside of the art school have become incubators of what is contemporary? In Bangalore, there has been no dearth of alternative institutional and art making spaces. Of these, the contemporary art galleries set up in the 50's and 60's were important to the construction of the contemporary aesthetic that is a signature of Bangalore-based artists and students. This aesthetic is seen in the large number of performance works as well as the collaborations and collective formations that produce art. The Venkatappa Art Gallery, due to its eminence as an art space for young artists as well as a museum commemorating a modern Master, becomes a nodal point in the construction of contemporary art history of Bangalore. The Gallery, as seen by the artist community, is an inclusive and democratic space which can be hired at low costs by young artists and those from the provinces, and also excellent for non-commercial and experimental art projects, festivals, workshops, seminars, talks and meetings. Most of the artists who are part of the Venkatappa Art Gallery forum have had their first solo shows in the gallery. Through the years, there have been group shows, collective projects, eight state Kala Melas, retrospective of RM Hadpad, The Khoj International Artists Residency, The International Live Art Festival, Co-Lab and Ananya Drishya artist talks, and in more recent times, the IFA Public Art presentations, to name a few activities. These events have been open to the public and have been well attended. Students from local art schools, as well as those from other cities in the State, have been known to present/display here following the completion of their studies. Presenting one's artwork in the gallery is almost like a rite of passage and therefore has evidenced work of a number of prominent artists.

This paper considers the frequent discrepancies between theory and practice in Third World urban development programmes. Drawing upon three Southeast Asian case studies (the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia), it highlights the importance of understanding the challenges posed for sustainable urban development by current processes of urbanization, democratization, decentralization and economic liberalization. Urbanization in Southeast Asian countries is extremely complex and fluid, raising difficult social, as well infrastructural and financial, questions. Very different groups of people must be drawn into a common planning process. Furthermore, complex relations between cities and their hinterlands must be taken into account. Decentralization and democratization serve to complicate the picture. In most cases, local and regional institutions are ill-prepared to meet the new responsibilities implicit in decentralization, and central governments are reluctant to give up their power over lower level authorities. Effective democratization of decision making is also hampered by local political structures hostile to participation. In some cases, however, democracy is growing, and potentially serves as a focus for sustainable development planning and management. The paper questions the poverty alleviation powers of economic liberalization. It points out that neo-liberal policies undermine development efforts by weakening government responsibility in key areas of public concern. In addition, free-market reforms lack environmental sensitivity and encourage deep splits within communities, as income gaps grow larger. The experience of the Philippines provides insight into these issues. Rapid urbanization and a high incidence of poverty, combined with sub-optimal urban management, have lead to problems with water provision and pollution. For the poor, deeply embedded legal problems of land tenure constitute a key concern. The administrative structure of the Philippines, where legislation has encouraged decentralization of powers and resources to the municipal and community levels, has the potential to facilitate the implementation of sustainable development initiatives. However, the continuing strength of powerful local bosses blocks many efforts to address the needs of the poor and to consider paths to sustainable urban development. The development of physical infrastructure tends to be granted priority over smaller participatory community projects. Thailand is the least urbanized of the three case countries, and urban poverty is less prominent than in the Philippines or Indonesia. Urban water supply is generally good, but industrial waste, pollution, land tenure and access to services are serious problems. Although the aim of sustainable development features in Thai economic and social policies, and some headway has been made in the environmental sector, there is virtually no progress towards this goal at the local level. The new Thai constitution provides for strengthening of local government; but, with the exception of strong private sector involvement, participatory forms of local planning required by the constitution are slow in materializing. In part, this is because of the overarching powers of the Ministry of Interior, which is determined to maintain its control over local affairs. It is also because structures of political patronage slow the devolution of power from central to lower levels. NGO and community representation in local development processes is relatively weak and a long-term vision for local level development is absent. Although some highly structured urban development programmes have been implemented over the past few years in Indonesia, urbanization is still uncontrolled, predominantly informal and characterized by high poverty incidence-especially following the collapse of the economy after July 1997. As in the Philippines, environmental pollution and land tenure problems are serious. But continued economic crisis dominates the policy agenda, and sustainable development planning remains weak at the local level. Post-Suharto-era legislation could allow Indonesia to do better than Thailand in terms of decentralization, but the current fluidity of the legal situation can work against, as well as for, sustainable development initiatives. Immediately following the collapse of authoritarian government, the co-operation of local level groups in consultative processes was limited by their fear of government co-optation. More recently, however, there are some signs that NGOs and community groups are engaging more effectively with recently elected councils and the municipal machinery. The concluding section of the paper draws attention to the role that may be played in sustainable development initiatives by the new urban middle class of Southeast Asia. The collapse of authoritarianism has brought to the fore aspirations for a greater say in political processes. However, the dominant economic model is also breeding more divided societies. Two distinct kinds of local development initiatives are emerging. On one hand, poor communities are being assisted by international development agencies, local governments and NGOs to improve their quality of life. On the other, middle class groups are organizing to improve the way that local governments are run. Yet these initiatives are not enough in themselves to overcome the deep divisions in these societies and to promote sustainable human development. Furthermore, this situation supports the survival of local patronage politics, which in turn militates against the success of any broader movement towards significant improvement in the processes of urban development. Democratization has opened up spaces for progressive forces for change. In such a context, international development agencies can increase their support for community organizations-not only to promote self-help initiatives, but also to strengthen their voice in local political processes. It is also necessary to provide simultaneous support at the level of the municipality. Too often, however, external support has been given on a short-term basis and targeted to local level interventions. So far there has been relatively little support for integrated urban programmes. Furthermore in the current climate of economic and social crisis, considerations of sustainable development can too easily be pushed into the background. External agencies need to focus attention on how to organize and operate such programmes and to commit themselves to longer term and more flexible interventions that are effective in rapidly changing conditions. More thought should also be given to the national level context that would ensure that local level activities make genuine progress. Such support includes reinforcement of the decentralization process-and also devising defences against the social and environmental effects of neo-liberal policies.

THE CHOICE OF WORDS, TRANSITIVITY, AND IDEOLOGY OF THE HEADLINES IN THE JAKARTA POST REPORTING APEC IN INDONESIA 2013 Lydia Anggar Wati Language and Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University lydia82012@gmail.com Lisetyo Ariyanti, S.S., M.Pd Language and Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University lisetyo.a@yahoo.com ABSTRAK Penelitian ini fokus dalam menganalisa headlines mengenai berita APEC karena headlines menyimpan informasi penting dari peristiwa di dunia. Rumusan masalah diantaranya (1) apa saja word choice dalam headlines di Koran The Jakarta Post pemberitaan APEC di Indonesia 2013, (2) apa saja transitivity yang ditemukan di headlines The Jakarta Post pemberitaan APEC di Indonesia 2013, (3) sikap ideologis apa pada word choices dan transitivity di headlines The Jakarta Post pemberitaan APEC di Indonesia 2013. Penelitian ini menggunakan deskriptif kualitatif. Data dikumpulkan dari koran harian The Jakarta Post mengenai APEC tanggal 9 September 2013 sampai 9 Oktober 2013 (31 hari). Hasil penelitian ini: 1) word choice yang ditemukan dalam headlines ditulis dalam bentuk simple present tense menunjukkan peristiwa yang baru saja terjadi. Headlines ditulis dalam bentuk klausa penuh yang terdiri dari sedikitnya subjek dan kata kerja. Pada headlines terdapat bentuk omisi dari verba bantu be agar penulisan berita lebih efektif, 2) proses verba sebagian besar menggunakan material process. Sirkumtansi dalam headlines ditulis oleh frase nomina dan frase kata kerja. APEC sering disebutkan sebagai aktor atau pelaku dalam headlines yang memiliki verba positif seperti vows, talks, hopes, changers. Dari kata kerja tersebut terlihat kekuatan dominasi aktor pada tujuan. Kata Kunci: headlines, word choice, transitivity, ideology ABSTRACT This study focuses on the analysis of the headlines newspaper in APEC news event because headlines provide the main important information of the events in the world. The research questions are (1) what the word choice is found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013, (2) what the transitivity is found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013, (3) what ideological in word choice and transitivity found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. The study is descriptive qualitative. The data was collected The Jakarta Post daily newspaper about APEC news event from September 9th, 2013 until October 9th, 2013 (31 days). The study found: 1) word choice is found in headlines is written in simple present tense form to show the immediate past happening. The headlines are written by full clause form which consist of minimal a subject and a verb. There is omission in headlines as the aim of the effectiveness headlines writing, 2) the process of the verbs are mostly material process. The circumstances of the headlines are written by noun phrase and verb phrases. APEC is mostly mentioned as the actor or the doer in the headlines that has positive verbs such as vows, talks, hopes, changers. From those verbs that is seen dominance power in actor for the goal. Keywords: headlines, word choice, transitivity, ideology INTRODUCTION Language is very important in human life to make good interaction, people need language to communicate with other. The language in use for communication is called discourse (Cook, 1989:6). It means that all of the language to use for communicating with other people is named "discourse". In the recently times, Linguists' interest in discourse focus on the linguistic structure of the text into how texts draw in the social process. The reason is linguists' want to get satisfied more than analyzing linguistic text which focused in linguistic features only. The knowledge of understanding in grammar, syntax, morphology, semantic and phonology of the text have not need of understanding in a text. The rhetoric intent, the coherence, and the worldview that the author and receptor convey the similarity essential of the text (Kaplan, 1990) as cited in Taiwo (2007:218). Texts always produce and read in real world with all the complexity, not in the isolation area. Consequently, language can show the reality. Language delivers from word by word in written or oral a broad sense of meanings and the meaning delivers with those words in social, political, and historical condition. Language can bring the power that shows in written or spoken. Mass media, it means that delivery message. It has two types of mass media. There are printed mass media and electronic mass media. Printed media are newspaper, tabloids, and magazines. Electronic mass media includes radio, smart-phone, and television. It is used to communicate with other political as the instrument to convey idea, message, and political work program. It has hidden of power relation. As one of the printed mass media, newspaper become as one of the most popular mass media. It occurs because newspapers contain many variant of news every day. By using actions of outstanding figures and statement, newspapers have formed. Opinion leaders, government, newspaper editors, etc, play crucial role in shaping the issue in the society and setting the boundaries of what is talked about, how is talked about (Taiwo, 2007: 218). However, the critical reader frequently takes the new granted. The analysis focused on the analysis of the headline newspaper because the headline summarize the content of the news, and attract the reader to read the article. The writer of newspaper always makes the headline short but in a headline can describe the core of the complicated new story in a few words. In Richardson (2007), Van Dijk (1988) says that news headlines are particularly key for the way readers understand of news text, they stakes that monitor attention, perception and reading process. The study concerned on headlines since daily newspaper provides the main important information of events in the world. Nevertheless, it is difficult for readers to read all of the news articles in the daily newspapers because all the variant news are very interesting and the time restraint. Therefore, they have to be selective by looking on the headline. The main function of news headline is to make the readers easily to know the main content of the news and the general picture of the news stories although they do not read all news stories. The study chooses The Jakarta Post daily newspaper as the sources of data since The Jakarta Post is the leading daily English language newspaper in Indonesia that published since 1983. The newspaper was launched on April 25th 1983. The paper is owned by PT Bina Media Tenggara, and the head office is in the nation's capital, Jakarta. It is the largest English language newspaper in Indonesia with an average circulation of around 50,000 copies. (www.wikipedia.com/jakarta-post). The analysis of headlines reporting APEC (Asia-Pacific Economy Cooperation) 2013 in Bali, Indonesia was the focus of the research since the news in September 2nd 2013 until October 14th 2013. In that day, Indonesia prepare everything what is needed to annual meeting of APEC in this year held in Nusa Dua, Bali, Indonesia. APEC is established in 1989 which has the aim to strengthen economic growth and strengthen the community of nations in the Asia Pacific. In the annual meeting in this year, APEC generate seven agreement. APEC have the important role in economic global. In that meeting, there are delegates 21 state leader who are important people in their country as presidents and a hundreds business people from whole the world. However, there are many particular world of economy-politic that they used. (http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kerja_Sama_Ekonomi_Asia_Pasifik) The study has There are two similar studies. First, a similar studies was conducted by Kirana (2009). She conducted a study entitled "Critical Discourse Analysis of Headlines in The Jakarta Post Reporting Invasion in Gaza". Kirana's study and this study are quite similar on the analysis of headlines. The difference is sited of the data. She uses the data of the event of conflict in Gaza. However, this study analyzes headlines in story event of APEC 2013 that held in Indonesia. Second, a study was conducted by Yunianti (2010). She conducted a study entitled "Critical Discourse Analysis in The Jakarta Post Reporting Ruhut's Behavior During Parliament Inquiry Session On The Bank Century". The difference between this study and Yunianti's study, we have the same case (power and ideology), but this study analysis newspaper headlines while her study analyses newspaper's article. In the end of her study, she found ideological value that is showed by kinds of syntactical and word choice features utilized by articles The Jakarta Post newspaper. Furthermore, this study analyzes the headlines as the aim was attempt to look at how the language is used headlines to show particular social ideologies and power relations. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as the method of Discourse Analysis was used as the approach to show development of linguistics features which is used in the headlines focused in studying and analyzing the linking between linguistics analysis and social analysis, the ideology, and power relations. The analysis headlines are produced by actual and social matters. CDA was considerably useful to show the source of power, dominance, abuse, inequality and bias and how these sources are initiated, maintained, reproduced and transformed within specific social, economic, political and historical context. More specifically, the study focused on the analysis of ideological representation in the headline present in examining the word choice and transitivity, particularly transitivity of the headlines. Therefore, this study is written to know the ideological distance underlying the linguistics forms existed in the headlines in The Jakarta Post newspaper reporting APEC in Indonesia. Hence, the study wants to analyze the word choice and transitivity of the headlines in The Jakarta Post newspaper reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013 so that the research questions are as follows: 1)What word choice is found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013?, 2)What transitivity is found in headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013?, 3)What ideological stance in the word choice and transitivity found in headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013?. Moreover, the purposes of the study are: 1)To describe the word choice found of headlines in The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. 2)To describe the transitivity found of the headlines in The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. 4)To reveal the ideological stance in the word choice and transitivity found of headlines in The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. The study intends to analyze word choice items and transitivity of the headlines APEC in The Jakarta Post by using CDA theory. The study is expected to be able to give theoretical and practical contribution to the area of applied linguistics and CDA. By conducting this study, the study greatly expects that the finding will be useful to enrich the awareness of how language assists especially through mass media in the particular social ideology and power relations. METHODE The study will be conducted by using qualitative research. The study approaches to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Furthermore, Fairclough (1989:26) states that CDA has three dimension, or stages, of critical discourse analysis: which include the relationship between texts, interactions, and contexts. Thus, there are three steps in analyzing discourse are through description, interpretation, and explanation. Data analysis in this study was also done in three steps which then results in three forms of analysis: first, the analysis of the text; second the analysis of the discourse practice which refers to the process of text production, text distribution and text consumption as commonly happen in the culture in which the writer and the participants live; third, the analysis of the social practice of the society in which the writer and participants live. The source of data in this study is taken from The Jakarta Post newspaper on alternate days from September 9th, 2013 until October 9th, 2013 (31 days). The data are the headlines which taken from The Jakarta Post newspaper. The study chooses the story event of APEC 2013 which held gathering in Indonesia. The data consist of 10 headlines. The data analysis technique in this research was applied descriptive analysis. The aim of the study was to describe certain phenomena occurred in this research setting. The certain phenomena probably occurred in terms of linguistic features. The stages of CDA are proposed by Fairclough (1989:26) was used in this research in the following procedure: 1)Description, In this stage which is concerned with formal properties of the text. There are several steps to describe the texts: Analyzing the word choice: the choices meaning of words used in the headlines, including all types of words, but particularly nouns, adjectives, verbs, and adverbs which carry connoted and denoted meanings. Analyzing the transitivity: sentence construction. There are three components to discuss in transitivity, they are the participant, the process, and the circumstance; 2)Interpretation, It is focused in relationship between text and interaction by seeing of the text as the product of a process of interpretation, notice that is used as the term interpretation for both the interactional process and a stage of analysis; 3)Explanation, It is focused in relationship between interaction and social context by determination of social process of production and interpretation, and their social effects. Then, the data collect based on the focus of this research. After that the data are analyzed based on word choice and transitivity. Thus, the data are interpreted descriptively and argumentatively by using critical discourse analysis devices in order to reveal the ideological stance of headlines of The Jakarta Post newspaper reporting APEC 2013 in Indonesia. DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION In line with study, the research question one, two, and three will be answered in this section. The data consist of 10 headlines which are displayed by three parts. In part A, the data will be analyzed by word choice, then part B analyzes transitivity and the last is part C that the data will be investigated by the ideological stance. Data 1: Protest in motion amid poor security (The Jakarta Post, Monday, September 30, 2013) In data 1, the situation is three days before APEC summit. APEC was held in Bali that got negative response from the activists and students Hundreds of activists and students came together on Sunday to plan protests against the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Bali amid signs of heightened security at the venues that will host the powwow of 21 Pacific-rim leaders this week. Activist Ni Luh Gede Yastini from the Bali Legal Aid Foundation, confirmed that hundreds of activists from more than 30 local and international non-governmental organizations under the Indonesian People's Alliance would carry out protests against the summit. They had not been determined because they were aware that security forces could possibly block the moves as they could be considered a disturbance to the summit. In addition, the alliance will probably raise issues such as the environment, migrant workers, human rights and fair trade. Other issues will also include religious intolerance, unsolved killings of activists, alleged human rights abuses in Papua and foreign occupations of domestic natural resources. Activists reject "the liberalization of investments" which would provide red carpets to foreign businesses to easily exploit Indonesia's natural resources. Dozens of students had already staged a small "anti-APEC" rally outside the Ketapang Port in Banyuwangi, East Java, on Sunday. The port is the gateway for those who travel by land from Java to Bali. (The Jakarta Post) a. Word choice The headline in data 1 is written in simple present tense which omits being of the verb. The headline (3) may read: Protests in motion [is] amid poor security. The omitting being of the verb (is) as the aim to make the headline writing more effective so that it can shows clear, short, and interesting. The headline (3) consists of a subject protest in motion as noun phrase and the complement object amid poor security as prepositional phrase. The word protest means that to the expression strong disagreement with or opposition to something. Protest refers to the act that doing by hundreds activists and students who against APEC summit 2013 in Bali. b. Transitivity The headline in data 1 is written in active sentence which uses relational process. The headline (3) consist of a carrier protest in motion (noun phrase) and attributive amid poor security (prepositional phrase). The omission (is) is classified into relational processes, process of being abstract relations such as have, seem, and be (is), which involve an agent and attributive (e.g. 'You are x'; I have y'). The carrier is protest in motion and the attributive amid poor security. In the other written, it can be said that protest in motion is among poor security. Look at the fraction below: Protest in motion [is] Amid poor security Carrier Process: relational Attributive c. Ideological stance The headline in data 1 is negative side for delegates of APEC, 21 state leaders. In this case, it can unsafe for them. The summit is crucial to discuss economy growth. The headline tries to show protest motion that is done by hundreds activist and student to against APEC summit. Dozens of students had already staged a small "anti-APEC" rally outside the Ketapang Port in Banyuwangi, East Java, on Sunday. The port is the gateway for those who travel by land from Java to Bali. In the text tells who is the doer, the one who against APEC summit. Data 2: No game changers at APEC summit (The Jakarta Post, Wednesday, October 02, 2013) In data 2, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) officials may drive a hard bargain to produce new tangible trade policies as the bloc's prestigious annual summit kicked off on Tuesday amid perturbing signs in the US economy that, once again, sent jitters across the globe. For the duration of the concluding senior officials meeting (CSOM), which will run from Oct. 1 to 2, officials from the 21 Pacific-rim economies would have to show their commitment to the "Bogor Goals" of free, open trade and investment. Officials expect no "big surprises" in the attempt to progress on the liberalization of trade, but are aware of several contentious issues that have the potential to hurt Indonesia and other emerging economies, if not addressed properly during the negotiations. According to documents obtained by The Jakarta Post, there are five deliverables to be discussed as first priorities of the summit. These include Indonesia's initiative to include crude palm oil (CPO) and natural rubber on the list of environmental goods subject for liberalization. Indonesia, which holds the rotating APEC chairmanship, has several requirements for businesses to use local products for certain industries, such as oil and gas. Economist Sri Adiningsih of Gadjah Mada University's APEC study center said Indonesia should focus on taking advantage of existing commitments rather than trying to push for a new agenda. While the summit is likely to produce few benefits for domestic interest, it is crucial to help facilitate other APEC priorities such as commitments to help avoid another round of impasse in the upcoming World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial conference in December in Bali. APEC accounts for about 55 percent of the world's gross domestic product (GDP), some 44 percent of global trade and 40 percent of the world's population (The Jakarta Post). a. Word choice The headline in data 1 is written in full clause, consists of a subject no game (noun phrase), a verb changers (infinitive +s) and an complement at APEC summit. No classified in adverb, it means that used with a following adjective to imply a meaning expressed by the opposite positive statement, game (common noun) means a physical or mental activity or contest that has rules and that people do for pleasure, the verb changers means to replace with another. The verb summit means international meeting; a meeting or series of meetings between the leaders of two or more governments, so that the complement at APEC summit means that International organization meeting. b. Transitivity The headline in data 1 is written in active sentence. According to SFL: Transitivity, the process of the sentence is intransitive action which consists of only one participant no game, the actional verb changers which is intransitive verb which does not need object and circumstance at APEC summit, an additional information of the purpose of the action. The processes of doing in the physical world are shown in material processes that show the power of the doer of doing something to the real world, unlike mental processes which are abstract. Look at fraction below: No game Changers At APEC summit Actor Process: material Circumstance: purpose c. Ideological Stance The headline in data 6 is positive toward APEC. the word no as the negation of the verb game. APEC is the International organization. In this case no game can be changers in this International meeting. Indonesia no longer pushes for green goods. Another summit priority, is the US initiative to discuss barriers to trade, which includes opposition against local-content requirements implemented by several APEC members, including Indonesia. Indonesia, which holds the rotating APEC chairmanship, has several requirements for businesses to use local products for certain industries, such as oil and gas. While the summit is likely to produce few benefits for domestic interest, it is crucial to help facilitate other APEC priorities such as commitments to help avoid another round of impasse in the upcoming World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial conference in December in Bali. The headline is definitely positive toward APEC. To know furthermore of the information, the study classified the analysis of the headline in the table below. No Headlines Word Choice NP FC Process Ideology 1. Competitive SMEs 'crucial' to APEC's growth Compe-titive SMEs - P Relational process Positive 2. Nusa Dua closed for tourists during APEC Nusa dua - P Relational process Positive 3. Protest in motion amid poor security Protests - P Relational process Negative 4. SBY to have bilateral talks with Obama in Bali SBY - P Verbal process Positive 5. APEC agrees to joint efforts to develop renewable energy APEC - P Material process Negative 6. No game changers at APEC summit No game - P Material process Positive 7. RI hopes for deal on rubber shattered RI - P Mental process Negative 8. Challengers force APEC to adjust Challen-gers - P Material process Positive 9 Giants exert clout at APEC Giants - Material process Negative 10 APEC vows to avoid mishaps APEC - Material process Positive Table 1. Word Choice, Transitivity, and Ideology *Note: NP= (Noun Phrase); FC= (Full Clause) Discussions Table 1 the word choice, transitivity and ideology of the headlines into who is the actor or doer, writing headlines, involving in which process, in the end of the analysis it can conclude that what the ideology inside of headlines. First is classified into who is the doer in that event which can show the subject or the doer regularly appear in headline newspaper. Here are the headlines which actors are APEC, it shows in headline in data 5 and data 10. Data 5: APEC agrees to joint efforts to develop renewable energy Data 6: APEC vows to avoid mishap APEC is classified in proper noun which is abbreviation from Asia Pacific Economy Cooperation. Proper noun is a word which is the name of person (e.g. Lisa, John, Marry, etc), a place (e.g. Surabaya, California, Sydney, etc.), an institution (State University of Surabaya, Oxford University, etc.), etc. And it is written with a Capital Letter wherever its located in a sentence. In these headline, the proper noun APEC refers to the International economy meeting summit. The member of APEC consist of Australia, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, United States, Chinese Taipei, Hongkong, China, Mexico, Papua New Guinea, Chile, Peru, Russia, Vietnam. Meanwhile, APEC as the doer or participants above, it is essentially useful to quantify the types of clause and verb processes used and their distribution across sampled newspaper. The table above is clearly that shows the principle difference between the headline: the ratio of noun phrase (NP) headlines to choose containing full clause (FC). All the headlines APEC summit 2013 in Bali are written in full clause, no one of the headline is written in noun phrase. Full clause consist of minimal one subject and one verb. The headline is written in full clause as the aim to give emphasize the actor or the doer who does the action towards the goal, not only states the noun phrase of the doer, the goal or the result that the doer does. Furthermore, classifying into processes that the processes which have four main verb processes across the headline. The process has four type which consist of material process, verbal process, mental process, and relational process. Look at the headlines below: Data 1: Competitive smes 'crucial' to APEC Data 2: Nusa dua closed for tourists during APEC Data 3: Protest in motion amid poor security The example of headlines above is classified in relational process which can show the typically retain the source responsible for the statement. The headlines is written in shorter, punchier headlines, and the omission of be (is, am, are) as the aim to make effectiveness in headline writing is classifies into relational process, process of being in the world abstract relations. According SFL: Transitivity, the abstract relationships generally finds between two participants associated with the process is regarded, however it is different from material process, a participant does not influence the other participant in a physical sense. The omission (is) is classified into relational processes, process of being abstract relations such as have, seem, and be (is), which involve an agent and attributive (e.g. 'You are x'; I have y'). The verbal process is used in this headline: Data 4: SBY to have bilateral talks with Obama in Bali The word talks is classified in verbal processes, a process of saying such as speaking, shouting, or singing. The word "talk" support of (Halliday 1994: 107) that the verbal process expresses the relationship between ideas constructed in human consciousness and the ideas enacted in the form of language. A verbal process is the process of saying, and it exists on the borderline between mental and relational processes. The participants roles associated with verbalization processes are the sayer, the individual who is speaking and that of the target, the addressee to whom the process is directed. This may be added with verbiage, that which is said. The mental process is used in this headline: Data 7: RI hopes for deal on CPO rubber shattered. From the headline in data 7, it can be shown that the headline includes Mental processes. That is the fact that theory from (Halliday, 1994: 117) that Mental processes are "internalized" processes which exists in processes of doing and speaking. The example are such as thinking, dreaming, and deciding. Mental process by encode the meaning of feeling or thinking. Mental process verbs can be subcategorized into three types; Cognition (verbs of thinking, knowing, understanding), Affection (verbs of liking, loving, fearing, heating), and Perception (verbs of seeing, hearing). The word "hopes" includes in dreaming as the article of the text tells that RI has dream or hopes to lift barriers to the trade in Crude Palm Oil (CPO). The material process is used in this headline below: Data 5: APEC agrees to joint efforts to develop renewable energy Data 6: No game changers at APEC summit Data 8: Challenges force APEC to adjust Data 9: Giants exert clout at APEC Data 10: APEC vows to avoid mishap According SFL: Transitivity, the headlines above belongs to the material process, processes of doing in the physical world. Material processes have two inherent participants involved in them. The first of these Actors, which is an obligatory element and expresses the doer of the process. The second is the Goal, which is an optional element and expresses the doer of the process. In addition to these two inherent participant roles, there is an extra element called Circumstance, which provides additional information on the "when, where, how, and why" of the process. Furthermore, the circumstance associated with the process also contribute to an ideological representation of the APEC summit. In the sampled headlines, the circumstance regularly exists in prepositional phrase which can be used to modify both noun and verb phrases, providing extra details on the time, place or the manner in which the action described in the process. They are identified by a preposition (e.g. 'in', 'of', 'on', 'for', 'to', 'with', 'as' etc). The use of preposition in each of these headlines is highly ideological. In each case, the prepositional phrase is underlined: Competitive smes 'crucial' to APEC Challenges force APEC to adjust The reporters or the publication is most often positive toward APEC. The headlines state APEC as the doer which has dominate power which does the actions towards the goal. It can be shown of 10 headline that the headlines writer does not want to cover or hide the subjects or the doers or the actions even the circumstances of the events. Actually, it is the fact that the way of reporting is very ideological since wants the readers to be clear on who is the doer is, the action and the effected entity. The writer wants the readers have the same thinks. Thus, most of the sample headlines have positive ideology towards APEC. Besides APEC, to increase the economy of 21 economies in Asia Pacific, there is Small and Medium Enterprises to unleash economic potential and drive growth. Smes is very useful to the advancement of the ASEAN community and the global community in 2020. Most of all the 21 APEC leaders had proposed bilateral meetings with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the president of Indonesia. APEC was held in Indonesia has positive towards Indonesia so that's way the ideological stance is shown of the headline writer, in this case the editor of The Jakarta Post who represents the ideological stance of the institution. The Jakarta Post newspaper is daily English newspaper in Indonesia has budget of selection news which is showed for world so that people in the world will know Indonesia actually with reading The Jakarta Post newspaper. It is built in 1982 as the collaboration between four Indonesian media under the demanding of minister of information Ali Moertopo and politician Mr. Jusuf Wanandi, who represented the government-backed Golkar newspaper Suara Karya. Minister Moertopo mentioned the possibility of publishing an English-language newspaper of the highest editorial quality. The Jakarta Post newspaper is more than a decade of opening up the economy to the global community but more importantly one that would be able to provide an Indonesian perspective to counter the highly unbalanced Western-dominated global traffic of news and views. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION Conclusion The data consist of 10 headlines about news event of APEC. The study finds word choice in headlines that the headlines are written in simple present tense that is shown the immediately past event. The headlines that consist of 10 headlines are written by full clause (FC) form which consist of minimal a subject and a verb. The subject or the doer of the headlines are mostly APEC which can be seen that the focus of news reporting is APEC. From the subject or the doer of headlines, APEC is shown as active doer that has dominance power in APEC news event that APEC summit 2013 in Nusa dua, Bali. The most dominance verbs are mostly infinitive+s with singular subject that consist of such as the verbs talks, efforts, changers, hopes, vows. From the verbs are describe the active action for the power relation in the doer and the goal. Furthermore, the process of the verbs are mostly material process which have two inherent participant involved in them. According SFL: Transitivity material process is process of doing in the physical world. There are some omission in headlines as the aim of the writing of headlines more effective. The circumstance in the headlines are written by noun phrase and verb phrases, supplying extra details on the time, place or the manner in which the action described in the process. They are identified by a preposition (e.g. 'in', 'of', 'on', 'for', 'to', 'with', 'as' etc). The use of preposition in each of these headlines is highly ideological which concluded of the analysis in headlines that the study has positive appreciation, feeling, and judgment with APEC summit 2013 in Bali. APEC is mostly mentioned as the actor or the doer in the headlines that has positive verbs such as vows, talks, hopes, changers. From those verb that is seen dominance power in actor for the goal. Suggestion The study analyzes the headlines in The Jakarta Post newspaper which is as the object of study. The headlines are elaborated based on the word choice features, transitivity, and the end of the analysis can be investigated the ideological distance. It can be shown by the object of sentence in headlines. For the future, the study hopes the deeper investigation to have a more critical analysis and useful for studying critical analysis to be better. REFERENCES Brown, Gillian and Yule, George. 1983. Discourse Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cook, Guy. 1992. 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