Historiaa nopeammin: contemporary perspectives on the future of art in the Baltic Countries, Finland and Russia
In: Nykytaiteen Museon julkaisuja 90
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In: Nykytaiteen Museon julkaisuja 90
Uspostava novih političkih sustava u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi nakon pada komunističkih režima značila je i izbor novog sustava vlasti umjesto dotad proklamiranog skupštinskog. Stajalište ustavotvoraca o potrebi snažne institucije predsjednika države tijekom procesa tranzicije, te odnos snaga između različitih aktera u političkoj areni, rezultirali su uspostavom polupredsjedničkog sustava u mnogima od tih zemalja. U Rusiji i Poljskoj su s prvim promjenama ustava prihvaćeni neki elementi, a zatim i čitav koncept semiprezidencijalizma. Ustavni modeli u te dvije zemlje u skladu su s kriterijima polupredsjedničkih sustava – posjeduju dualnu strukturu izvršne vlasti, te fi ksni mandat predsjednika države izabranog na općim izborima i politički neodgovornog parlamentu. Politička je praksa u njima u posljednjih petnaestak godina pokazivala različite učinke uspostavljenog sustava. U Rusiji je predsjednik države dominirao političkim sustavom u tolikoj mjeri da je sustav u praksi bio predsjednički, dok su u Poljskoj ustavne promjene iz 1990., 1992. i 1997. godine rezultirale promjenom odnosa snaga unutar dualne strukture izvršne vlasti. ; The establishment of new political systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the collapse of communist regimes implied a decision on a new system of government instead of the earlier proclaimed assembly system. The position of the framers of the Constitution on the need for a strong institution of state presidency during the transition process, and the correlation of forces between diff erent actors in the political arena, have resulted in the establishment of the semi-presidential system in many of these countries. In Russia and Poland, with the fi rst modifi cations of their Constitutions, some elements of semi-presidentialism were adopted, and then the whole concept of semi-presidentialism has been accepted. The constitutional models in the two countries are compatible with the criteria of semi-presidential systems – they have a dual structure of the executive branch of government ...
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In: As- Siyassa ad-=dawliya, Band 38, Heft 147, S. 72-79
World Affairs Online
In: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran toimituksia 1159
In: Međunarodni problemi: Meždunarodnye problemy, Band 57, Heft 3, S. 284-318
ISSN: 0025-8555
The author firstly examines cultural & historical potentials of Russia, analyzing them in their positive & negative aspects. Western ability to fully confront contemporary problems is then challenged through a brief account of the cultural crisis in its society in order to establish, through an analysis of the specific reception of that crisis in Russia, whether it can offer new, fresh &/or different solutions to global problems. Finally, basic Russian cultural & political values are depicted through the history of their actions globally & the power & significance of those values is defended as exceptionally fruitful for appliance to the contemporary socio-political situation, as to the challenges that lay before the global society in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.
Arab countries; foreign relations; Russia; intellectuals and intellectual life; congresses
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 103-113
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodni problemi: Meždunarodnye problemy, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 445-468
ISSN: 0025-8555
The EU enlargement to 25 members has significantly changed the political & economic map of the contemporary Europe. EU has become a relevant factor in international relations. At the same time there are certain dilemmas concerning the prospects for the future development & nature of the Union. Considering the fact that the EU geopolitical position has moved eastwards, the author wonders how far the Union might spread towards the East, i.e. where the boundaries of the united Europe might be, & what should be the EU policy towards its Eastern neighbors (Russia, Byelorussia, the Ukraine & Moldova). References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 113-121
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 18-28
ISSN: 1332-4756
World Affairs Online
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 1-2, S. 5-20
ISSN: 1332-4756
World Affairs Online
In: Historiallinen arkisto 118
In: Međunarodni problemi: Meždunarodnye problemy, Band 57, Heft 3, S. 319-339
ISSN: 0025-8555
The informal economy is today the reality of all countries in the world, including both those in transition & the developed ones, but to a varying degree. The author makes special reference to the situation in the Russian Federation, discusses some policy options for reducing the informal economy. The author argues that the implementation of the basic aim -- the policy of reintegration of the grey economy into legal system -- is through rounding-off a market-oriented economic order, full protection of property, implementation of the policy of macroeconomic stability, stable exchange rate, foreign trade liberalization & the development of financial markets. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodni problemi: Meždunarodnye problemy, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 541-552
ISSN: 0025-8555
Resource management by a national economy is of great significance for every country. If they are deficient then they should be purchased abroad. Oil & oil derivatives are the energy resources that are in shortest supply in Serbia. The statistical data on its foreign trade in the period January-July 2008 show that Serbia recorded the greatest foreign deficit in its trade with the Russian Federation. This primarily results from its energy resources imports. Russia is Serbia's most important partner in strategic commodities supply. For this reason the measures for abolishing or decreasing the oil export duties would considerably reduce the production costs in our economy. This would lead to an improvement in a large number of our economic branches. References. Adapted from the source document.