In: Canadian journal of economics and political science: the journal of the Canadian Political Science Association = Revue canadienne d'économique et de science politique, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 263-264
En s'appuyant sur une enquête ethnographique localisée autour des mémoriaux éphémères qui ont pris place dans le 11 e arrondissement parisien après le 13 novembre 2015, l'article propose une réflexion méthodologique visant à approcher les logiques sociales qui façonnent les pratiques mémorielles liées aux attentats. À côté des travaux fondés sur l'hypothèse d'une « mémoire traumatique », une telle démarche montre le rôle des situations sociales, des habitudes et des institutions dans ce qui est dit et fait face aux mémoriaux. Ces derniers induisent en effet des gestes et des propos qui épurent et dépolitisent les représentations hétérogènes des acteurs.
World War I is an episode that illuminates the long-term change in definitions of women's authority from the nineteenth-century hegemonic concept of female moral authority to a latter-twentieth-century at least partial acceptance of women's professional and official authority on the basis of competence and rights. Historians of women have not examined often how gender has operated in the construction of authority in specific historical contexts, how gendered definitions of authority have changed, or how women have understood authority they have exercised. This article examines particular definitions of authority women adopted in three career fields during World War I: Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) social workers, women police officers and patrols, and women industrial welfare supervisors. The central narrative focuses on the dramatic war's-end upheaval within the YWCA, which reveals a telling shift toward secularism in social workers' understanding of the mandate for their work. Calls for "modern," young YWCA workers were linked directly to notions that YWCA social work had become a paid career for trained women. Furthermore, for middle-class women seeking to prove their abilities and further their career possibilities, their relationships with working-class women formed an important basis for their self-justification. Studied together, these three expanding careers demonstrate women's blending of older and newer bases for their authority. While YWCA social workers increasingly introduced qualifications and methods of secular professionalism into an evangelical enterprise, women police and welfare supervisors drew upon older, religiously-based definitions of women's special nature to stake their claims in masculinist organizations.
Ce travail présente aux participants les zones de tension dans le travail social qui surgissent avec la mise en œuvre de la CRDPH (La Convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées, 2006). Sur le plan conceptuel, on examinera si le concept central « l'inclusion » convient comme concept directeur pour le travail social. En ce qui concerne le Luxembourg, des exemples sont utilisés pour montrer à quel point le travail social avec les personnes handicapées est soumis à une politique sociale empreinte de néolibéralisme. Dans une approche prospective, les tendances d'une économisation, de la numérisation et de la prise en compte épigénétique des tâches du travail social sont discutées. Comment le travail social doit-il traiter cette problématique et s'y préparer ?
Growth in racial and ethnic diversity among public school P-12 students stands in stark contrast to the teaching population who tend to be monolingual, White females. Secondary social studies teachers defy demographic teacher trends, as they tend to be male, albeit White males who still are not representative of the students they teach. What is missing from the discourse of student–teacher imbalance however is discussion surrounding diversity among social studies teacher educators. The purpose of this study was to examine racial, ethnic, and gender demographics for social studies teacher educators using a framework of critical teacher demography. Findings revealed that social studies teacher educators tend to reflect the population of social studies teachers with many being White males. Furthermore, social studies teacher educators tend to focus their research on concepts such as democratic citizenship with little focus dedicated to critical multicultural issues. The paucity of diversity in demographics and research is critical for social studies teacher educators to consider if we are to reflect multiculturalism in 21st century schools.
In this article we offer some reflections on how to design mechanisms so that the products of science and technology can better promote social equity. In other words, we offer clues to answer the question, How can we turn science and technology into a more dependable ally in the struggle for social justice? To do this, we outline criteria of justice that we use to analyze the relationship between science and society. We then specify a notion of public policy related to the idea of governance. Recognizing that the products of science and technology can exacerbate as well as diminish social inequity, we examine the possible negative effects through three types of inequality: structural, distributional, and representational inequality. This framework allows us to offer nine public-policy guidelines to encourage the products of science and technology to promote equity-related goals, which also represents a genuine effort to democratize knowledge.