Suchergebnisse

States in liberal democracies are said to be structurally dependent on the decisions of private investors in the sense that governments do not directly control the level of investment and economic growth. The general consensus amongst Marxian political economists and neo-classical economists is that this imposes restrictions on the scope of the redistributive policies that governments can pursue. It is also frequently argued that these restrictions are increased with international capital mobility because of the threat or reality of capital flight. The McCracken Report noted this link between capital mobility and restrictions on government as early as 1977. It warned that some governments appeared to have 'overrated their scope for independent action' and they had paid insufficient attention to the consequences of 'capital flight'. Since then, both the rate of capital mobility and the severity of these restrictions have probably increased. In the 1970s, capital outflows from the thirteen leading industrial countries averaged $52 billion per annum. In 1989 they averaged $444 billion. The problems that this presents to governments attempting to make transfers from capital to labour have been described in considerable detail and there is an extensive formal literature in trade theory that deals with capital transfers. There is also some work on strategies for social democratic governments wishing to minimize capital losses. The main gap in this literature, however, is that some of the fundamental political, or 'democratic choice', aspects of these problems are not well understood. In particular, little is known about the optimum rate of taxation for a government attempting to maximize workers' consumption out of profits. The purpose of this Note is to contribute towards such an analysis.

In Intelligence Agencies and the Universities: Further Implications of the Thesis Advanced by Sigmund Diamond in Comprised Campus, Arthur J. Vidich (New School for Social Research, New York, NY) reviews Diamond's research (no publication information provided) on the cooperation in the US among universities, philanthropic foundations, & government intelligence agencies, focusing on evidence from Harvard U (Cambridge, Mass). Outlined is the historical structuring of ties between the New England Protestant elite & the political & intelligence systems, with reference to changes in the needs & patterns of espionage over the twentieth century. In The Cold War Ethic: National Security and National Morale, Guy Oakes (Monmouth Coll, West Long Branch, NJ) places Diamond's evidence on the relation between state surveillance & academic policy in the broader context of the relations between national security policy & public ethics, 1945-1950, focusing on the ethical cleansing of US universities as part of a general enterprise to develop a civil ethic supportive of the US national security policy in the early Cold war era, through moral propaganda & control. In The CIA in National and International Labor Movements, Herbert Hill (U of Wisconsin, Madison), elaborates on the involvement of the intelligence agencies with labor unions, an aspect related to, but not covered by, Diamond's study. It is suggested that recently available & declassified records demonstrate how labor unions were brought to conformity with the state's national security requirements, & confirm labor unions' role in implementing US foreign policy. Diamond (Columbia U, New York, NY), in Compromising American Studies Programs and Survey Research, summarizes the conclusions of his book & adds examples, not mentioned in the book, on the relationship between repressive power & knowledge. I. Shagrir

Common sense suggests that work is organized in accordance with plans that are created by designers who reflect on the work setting and manipulate representations of the work process in order to determine new and efficient organizational structures. Or, even if "outside" designers are not involved, the reorganization of work is normally attributed to the conscious reflection by members of the work group itself. A detailed examination of the response of a real-world group to a sudden and unexpected change in its informational environment shows that these common sense assumptions may be quite misleading. While entering a harbor, a large ship suffered an engineering breakdown that disabled an important piece of navigational equipment. This paper considers the response of the ship's navigation team to the changed task demands imposed by the loss of this equipment. Following a rather chaotic search of the space of computational and social organizational alternatives, the team arrived at a new stable work configuration. In retrospect, this solution appears to be just the sort of solution we would hope designers could produce However, while some aspects of the response appear to be the products of conscious reflection, others, particularly those concerning the division of cognitive labor, are shown to arise without reflection from adaptations by individuals to what appear to them as local task demands. It is argued that while the participants may have represented and thus learned the solution after it came into being, the solution was clearly discovered by the organization itself before it was discovered by any of the participants.

A long and strong research tradition in social psychology has attempted to find out what factors affect the frequencies of cooperative versus competitive responses by having subjects play simple mixed motive games, e.g. Prisoner's Dilemma, in laboratory conditions. Several early studies failed to find any relationship with gender, whereas others found male pairs to cooperate more than female pairs, most notably Rapoport & Chammah (1965), using the Prisoner's Dilemma game. These results are in apparent contradiction to the general thesis that women tend to be more cooperative than men. A re-analysis from a feminist perspective is made in order to throw light on the seeming contradiction stemming from the laboratory studies. Two types of feminist analysis are applied, one from a more liberal and equality-oriented perspective and one from a more radical feminist perspective. The greater cooperativeness of males may be interpreted as an artifact of the methodology used. Men do not cooperate more than women, but choose the cooperative strategy when that is the winning one and a competitive strategy when that strategy wins. An analysis from this equality-oriented feminist perspective may show that men are bent on winning the game and use the strategy most suited to that purpose. Analysis from a more radical feminist perspective criticizes this type of context-stripped experiment to measure such a complex phenomenon as cooperation and shows that women tend to find the whole laboratory situation uninteresting and are more concerned with personal aspects of the actors in the game than with the game itself.

Planning, organizing, and operating today's complex health care systems or heading Federal, State, and city public health agencies in the United States and other countries require professionals broadly prepared in the meaning, philosophy, and strategies of public health. It is and has been recognized that the best trained clinical physician could not be expected to know the policies and practices of official public health programs. The chief health official of a State or other jurisdiction, for example, deals with the epidemiology of many diseases; with all aspects of the environment; with hospitals, drugs, health manpower, and nutrition; with issues of health economics, finance, and politics; and with administration. For these tasks, most of medical education is irrelevant. To produce the needed specialists, candidates with a BA degree would be educated as doctors of public health. The proposed 5-year postgraduate curriculum is as demanding as the training for the MD degree, but completely different. The 38 subjects or courses in the curriculum are grouped into four categories: basic tools of social analysis, health and disease in populations, protection of health and prevention of disease, and health care systems and management. At present, MPH degree holders take only a handful of core and elective courses and emerge with little systematic knowledge about the majority of problems they face. The DrPH candidates at schools of public health spend most of their time on research and dissertation writing--adequate preparation for university teachers, but academia is not the goal of most candidates, nor the greatest need of society.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

In this article the author deals with the ethico-judiciary aspects of illegitimacy. Because of the stigma clinging to the illegitimate child, certain constraints have been imposed from the side of the authorities as well. These are then examined. Following a definition of the concept, the results of illegitimacy are considered in terms of the status of the child, its maintenance, inheritance, as well as certain non-juridical factors such as social, biological, religious and ethical factors. The important question of attitudes towards illegitimacy is then considered, with reference to changed attitudes in certain overseas countries, such as America, the Scandinavian countries, Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, and finally South Africa. It emerges then that a more sympathetic attitude towards both the child and the mother is evolving, in South Africa too. The changed attitudes of the community, however, do not suspend the constraints imposed upon the child by the law. The author feels, however, that as a result of the state's involvement with the problem of illegitimacy, the problem has shifted from the ethical to the field of the state, and the state now has to act to redress the balance. The author is of the opinion, further, that legislation should be developed to eliminate the legal constraints - if a sanction needs to be imposed, it should be imposed on the parents and not on the child. It is therefore noted with satisfaction that the Law Commission has proposed a Draft Bill in this regard to remove the legal constraints upon the illegitimate child .

Debates over alienation have taken place within the Marxist movement primarily within the context of how far humanistic values can be included in Marxism without transforming it into liberal ideology. Recognition of the changing role of the concept of alienation in the thought of Karl Marx over the course of its development is significant for these debates. The central question is how the theory of alienation changed in function for Marx. Major changes in Marx's thought include his movement from denial that a critical economic theory was possible to pursuit of such a theory; from interpreting G. W. F. Hegel in terms of the theoretical reproduction of history in its concrete context to interpreting him in terms of the dialectic of totality of process; & from a utopian to a practical social concept of freedom. In his later works, Marx develops a concept of alienation as an objective structural aspect of capitalism realized in various specific forms, including market exchange, wage labor, domination of labor by capital, & separation of intellect & culture from everyday life. The related concept of reification refers to separation of labor as interaction with nature, from interaction among human beings. George Lukacs (History and Class Consciousness, Merlin, 1971) is generally regarded as having rediscovered the theory of alienation under the name of reification; in fact, Lukacs's work represented an independent recreation of the theories of the young Marx from the latter's mature works. The questions raised by Lukacs have recently reemerged in the form of direct confrontations with Marx's thought by Herbert Marcuse & Jurgen Habermas, which attempt to move back toward traditional philosophical concerns. W. H. Stoddard.

Scholastic output on Third World military regimes has been prodigious. However, not a single comparative study of any aspect of military role and rule in Pakistan (1958 to 1981, except for the Bhutto interregnum) and Bangladesh (1975–1981), has yet been attempted. Capturing power may not be problematic for the functionaries of the Armed Forces; the consolidation of their authority is infinitely more difficult. As for all other ruling groups, it is imperative for them to convert power into authority and legitimacy. Only in so doing can they ensure their sustenance and survival. In the early stages of their tenure, South Asian military regimes sought legitimacy through the propagation of their self-image as a set of missionary, progressive, neutral and patriotic guardians of the nation. However, the popular will expected performance rather than platitudes. Aware that military solutions to social problems are counter-productive, and guided by practical common sense, South Asian military regimes, like their counterparts elsewhere, have sought "creative relationships with civilian political groups."1 But such exercises are also expedient as they bring about a cosmetic "civilianisation" of what is essentially a military administration. This mixture of common sense and opportunism has, usually in combination, generated six strategies for the sustenance and survival of South Asian military regimes; co-option of civilians into the government, intimidation of political opponents, divide et empera, expansion of political participation, constitutional legitimation and populism. This paper would attempt to analyze as to how and why these strategies succeeded in fortifying the regimes of Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia-ul-Haq and Ziaur Rahman.

Voting rights are a fundamental concern of democratic theorists as well as students of democratization. Yet, there has been little systematic investigation of franchisement—the process in which voting rights are extended or retracted. Historians, for the most part, are unwilling or unable to generalize from one case of franchisement to another; social scientists have either concentrated their efforts on specifying the effects of suffrage extensions or they have refined historical studies of franchise decision-making. What is needed is in-depth study of (a) the motivations and behavior of (dis)enfranchising elites (b) the politics of suffrage legislation—the bargaining which transforms individual preferences of national decision makers into voting rights statutes, and (c) the "macro-macro" relationship between franchisement—the outcome of b—and legitimization and stabilization. The first of these tasks is addressed here. Following the work of Rae (1969) and Buchanan and Tullock (1962), the suffrage decision is formalized as a constituency design problem and then shown to vary with the information the decision maker possesses regarding the likelihood of being reelected under different reforms and the probability that alternative electorates will adopt new institutional arrangements. A single, generic approach allows us to explain not only the manner in which individual entrepreneurs seek to create new electoral markets but, also, how and why "nonentrepreneurial elites" like the French Ultras behave as they do. In addition, a nonobvious aspect of elite reasoning is uncovered—the (rational) preference for an electorate which has a high probability of abstaining from indifference—and a well-known proposition concerning constituency size and political corruption is studied.

The putative hazards of solid waste management cannot be evaluated without placing the problem within a cultural climate of crisis where some persons consider such by-products of "high, hard technology" to have raised unresolved moral and ethical issues. In order to assist scientific and technical efforts to protect public health and safety, a bioethical perspective requires us to examine three controversial aspects of policy-making about public safety. Failure to recognize the qualitative difference between two cognitive activities—risk-measurements (objective, scientific probabilities) and safety-judgments (subjective, shifting value priorities)—has had three unfortunate consequences. Sophisticated methods of risk analysis have been applied in a piecemeal, haphazard, ad hoc fashion within traditional institutions with the false expectation that incremental risk-reducing programs automatically ensure public health and safety. Ethical priorities require, first and foremost, a whole new field of data arranged for comparable risk-analyses. Critics of cost/risk/benefit quantifications attack the absurdity of "putting a price on human life" but have not been confronted with its threefold ethical justification. The widening discrepancy in risk-perceptions and loss of mutual confidence between scientific experts and ordinary citizens has placed a burden of social responsibility on members of the scientific and technical community to engage in more effective public education through the political process, notwithstanding advocates of a nonscientific adversary process. The urgency of effective public education has been demonstrated by the extent to which we have lost our historically balanced judgment about the alleged environmental hazards posed by advanced technology.

Big Business: Theoretical and Empirical Aspects of Concentration and Mergers in the United Kingdom. By Sam Aaronovitch and Malcolm C. Sawyer. General Equilibrium. By Michael Allingham. Economic Policy for the European Community. By Sir Alec Cairncross, Herbert Giersch, Alexandre Lamfalussy, Giuseppe Petrilli and Pierre Uri. Advertising and Economic Behaviour. By Keith Cowling, John Cable, Michael Kelly and Tony McGuinness. Colonialism in Africa, 1870‐1960, (Volume 4, The Economics of Colonialism). Edited by Peter Duignan and L. H. Gann. Money, Information and Uncertainty. By C. A. E. Goodhart. The Nature of Poverty: A case history of the first quarter‐century after World War II. By Margaret Haswell. The Rise of German Industrial Power, 1834–1914. By W. O. Henderson. Key Issues in International Monetary Reform. Edited by Randall Hinshaw. A Rehabilitation of Say's Law. By W. H. Hutt. The Intelligent Radical's Guide to Economic Policy. The Mixed Economy. By James E. Meade. The Development of Tropical Lands: Policy Issues in Latin America. By Michael Nelson. The Classical Economists. By D. P. O'Brien. The Economics of Natural Resource Depletion. Edited by D. W. Pearce Methods of Social Study. By Sidney and Beatrice Webb (pp. 263, £6.25). A Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain. By Sidney and Beatrice Webb Industrial Relations and the Limits of Law: The Industrial Effects of the Industrial Relations Act, 1971. By Brian Weekes, Michael Mellish, Linda Dickens and John Lloyd. (Warwick Studies in Industrial Relations) A Theory of Profits. By Adrian Wood. An Introduction to Applied Econometric Analysis. By R. F. Wynn and K. Holden.

One of the weaknesses of students of African development studies has been their inability to speak in the idiom of Africans. Anthropologists, despite their often magnificent contributions of earlier times in the field of ethnography must find a new role in the present state of African studies. The tendency to conceive precolonial developments in Africa in terms of primitivity, tribality, and feudality, has conveyed the erroneous impression that Africa is characterized by the static nature of its past. In other words, the dynamics of the growth of African societies has traditionally not been their concern. Unfortunately, the African historian who should have been particularly concerned with this aspect of study has, until recently, proved to be of little help. He has first to win the battle of African history, the mopping up operations of which are still going on. But he, too, must now realize that a history of specifically political developments is an anachronism: precolonial Africa had no clear-cut distinction between the political, the economic, and the social. To be meaningful, history must be conceived in its totality. Finally, the economist seems to speak least in the idiom of theAfrican. It is 'fashionable' for him, it has been pointed out, to assume that 'the African economy' ought not to work in a basically dissimilar fashion from 'the Western economy' and that something is wrong with it if it does. The problem of the African economist, then, is that of relevance, a problem that has to be satisfactorily solved if his readiness to offer his services as the specialist 'doctor' of African economic problems is to be taken seriously.

Reflections are offered on the descriptive & prescriptive issues raised by Richard Titmuss, THE GIFT RELATIONSHIP: FROM HUMAN BLOOD TO SOCIAL POLICY (London & New York: 1971). The starting point of Titmuss' analysis & reflections is the basic fact that in the UK the supplying of blood for transfusions is completely voluntary & unpaid, while in the US there is a mixed system with both commercial & noncommercial blood banks & with payments of various kinds. Titmuss deduces from this that the UK is a broadly altruistic society, while the US is not. However, it is pointed out that even in the UK only 6% give blood. Titmuss does present evidence that a world of giving may actually increase efficiency in the operation of the econ system. Aspects of inefficiency in the US system of blood donorship are discussed, in the light of I. Kant's categorical imperative & it is suggested that this imperative (which is a moral one) & the econ price system are essential complements. For Titmuss the marketplace is basically subversive of the ideal soc order, but the UK system may also spell trouble & be not as altruistic as it appears. Titmuss' thinking that commercialism may increasingly damage the entire soc system is shown to rest on shaky evidence. Titmuss' empirical methodology leaves much to be desired & many of his points are not in any way established. He uses data carefully in some places but loosely in others. On several points he makes statements about the US without even bothering to compare the situation with that in the UK. But, despite its flaws, the book is a resonant evocation of central problems of soc value. M. Maxfield.

I view international political integration as a distinctive aspect of the more inclusive process (international integration, generally) whereby larger groupings emerge or are created among nations without the use of violence. Such groupings can be said to exist at a variety of different analytical levels. At each level we can conceive of a number of nations linked to each other in certain salient ways. For example, their populations may be linked byfeelingsof mutual amity, confidence, and identification. Or their leaders may hold more or less reliableexpectations, which may or may not be shared by the populations, that common problems will be resolved without recourse to large-scale violence. Or a grouping might be defined as an area which is characterized by intense concentrations of economicexchangeor the freecirculationof productive factors (labor, capital, services). In describing these phenomena we speak of social community, security community, and of economic union. Political integration can be said to occur when the linkage consists of joint participation in regularized, ongoing decisionmaking. The perspective taken here is that international political integration involves a group of nations coming to regularly make and implement binding public decisions by means of collective institutions and/or processes rather than by formally autonomous national means. Political integration implies that a number of governments begin to create and to use common resources to be committed in the pursuit of certain common objectives and that they do so by foregoing some of the factual attributes of sovereignty and decisionmaking autonomy, in contrast to more classical modes of cooperation such as alliances or international organizations.

The native policy of Sir Theophilus Shepstone was influential in the evolution and formation of mid-nineteenth century Natal. From 1845 to the incorporation of Natal into the Union of South Africa in 1910, the native policy of Theophilus Shepstone dictated the organization and control of a native population of well over 100,000. The establishment and makeup of this system was an important institution in not only the history of Natal, but South Africa as a whole. While Shepstone was significantly impacted by the events of his early life, the main aspect of Shepstone's policy remained the Locations System. This system, created by the Commission for the Locating of the Natives in 1847, would dominate much of Shepstone's early career in Natal, especially the challenges made to the system during the formative years of the native policy. Shepstone's work in Natal would be called into question by several government officials, including Lieutenant-Governor of Natal Benjamin Pine. This conflict with the Natal government would eventually lead to Shepstone's abandonment of the Locations System for what would become known as his "Grand Removal Scheme." While the failure of this scheme would lead to the complete incorporation of the locations system, the longevity of the locations system itself is a product of the astuteness of Shepstone. While the colony of Natal was significantly impacted by economic and social factors, Shepstone remains one of the most influential figures in the evolution of the native policy of British Natal. ; 2008-05-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Humanities, Department of History ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.