Suchergebnisse

The article aims to analyse the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology. This relationship is analysed from different perspectives. Firstly didactics of sociology is analysed from the viewpoint of so-called didactics of social sciences and civic education. Secondly the article analyses the development of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education and searches the ideas for the conceptualization of didactics of sociology in this development. Three forms of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education are distinguished. Educational sociology emerged as normative and applied discipline that has assisted educational theory to articulate the educational aims and the means of their implementation. The sociology of education that emphasized the scientific and empirical rather than normative character was an alternative for the educational sociology and has revealed different aspects of education that were ignored by educational sociologists. The phenomena of the hidden curricula and its role in social and cultural reproduction were among them. The third form of interrelation is associated with the movement of public sociology. The proponents of public sociology put forward the questions of social function of sociology and the significance of sociological literacy for democratic society. The concept of public sociology stimulates the discussions about didactics of sociology. Thirdly the article searches the ideas for the interpretation of the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology in the development of the liaisons between history and didactics of history. The concept of historical consciousness and understanding of historical culture solve the contradiction between academic history and didactics of history.

The article aims to analyse the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology. This relationship is analysed from different perspectives. Firstly didactics of sociology is analysed from the viewpoint of so-called didactics of social sciences and civic education. Secondly the article analyses the development of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education and searches the ideas for the conceptualization of didactics of sociology in this development. Three forms of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education are distinguished. Educational sociology emerged as normative and applied discipline that has assisted educational theory to articulate the educational aims and the means of their implementation. The sociology of education that emphasized the scientific and empirical rather than normative character was an alternative for the educational sociology and has revealed different aspects of education that were ignored by educational sociologists. The phenomena of the hidden curricula and its role in social and cultural reproduction were among them. The third form of interrelation is associated with the movement of public sociology. The proponents of public sociology put forward the questions of social function of sociology and the significance of sociological literacy for democratic society. The concept of public sociology stimulates the discussions about didactics of sociology. Thirdly the article searches the ideas for the interpretation of the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology in the development of the liaisons between history and didactics of history. The concept of historical consciousness and understanding of historical culture solve the contradiction between academic history and didactics of history.

The article aims to analyse the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology. This relationship is analysed from different perspectives. Firstly didactics of sociology is analysed from the viewpoint of so-called didactics of social sciences and civic education. Secondly the article analyses the development of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education and searches the ideas for the conceptualization of didactics of sociology in this development. Three forms of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education are distinguished. Educational sociology emerged as normative and applied discipline that has assisted educational theory to articulate the educational aims and the means of their implementation. The sociology of education that emphasized the scientific and empirical rather than normative character was an alternative for the educational sociology and has revealed different aspects of education that were ignored by educational sociologists. The phenomena of the hidden curricula and its role in social and cultural reproduction were among them. The third form of interrelation is associated with the movement of public sociology. The proponents of public sociology put forward the questions of social function of sociology and the significance of sociological literacy for democratic society. The concept of public sociology stimulates the discussions about didactics of sociology. Thirdly the article searches the ideas for the interpretation of the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology in the development of the liaisons between history and didactics of history. The concept of historical consciousness and understanding of historical culture solve the contradiction between academic history and didactics of history.

The article aims to analyse the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology. This relationship is analysed from different perspectives. Firstly didactics of sociology is analysed from the viewpoint of so-called didactics of social sciences and civic education. Secondly the article analyses the development of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education and searches the ideas for the conceptualization of didactics of sociology in this development. Three forms of the interrelation between theory of education and sociology of education are distinguished. Educational sociology emerged as normative and applied discipline that has assisted educational theory to articulate the educational aims and the means of their implementation. The sociology of education that emphasized the scientific and empirical rather than normative character was an alternative for the educational sociology and has revealed different aspects of education that were ignored by educational sociologists. The phenomena of the hidden curricula and its role in social and cultural reproduction were among them. The third form of interrelation is associated with the movement of public sociology. The proponents of public sociology put forward the questions of social function of sociology and the significance of sociological literacy for democratic society. The concept of public sociology stimulates the discussions about didactics of sociology. Thirdly the article searches the ideas for the interpretation of the relationship between sociology and didactics of sociology in the development of the liaisons between history and didactics of history. The concept of historical consciousness and understanding of historical culture solve the contradiction between academic history and didactics of history.

The work deals with the problem of factualness in the media. The main issue at question is whether factualness can be perceived as a priority requirement for the content of the news media. The hypothesis lying at the base of this work assumes that today's media does not prioritize factualness even when writing on important political topics. The objective of the study is to examine, whether news media messages on political topics fulfill the criterion of factualness which itself denotes the relation between the real object and its projection in the media. The subsidiary issues, analyzed in this work include main principles of functioning of the news media, the process of and the criteria for event selection, typical structure of the news message and ways of interaction between the journalist and the source of information. A substantial part of the work is devoted to the role of news media in the area of political communication. It analysis the main trends in covering political topics, deals with the tendency of media as constant opposition to the political elite. It also defines main aspects of reporting on political issues, determines major tendencies of news reporting, including the trend of politainment, the rise of so called "junkyard journalism", The empiric study, analyzing the media coverage on the resignation of the former minister of Health A. Caplikas, revealed that the projection of this issue in the news media was not homogeneous in its nature. Different newspapers and internet news portals projected different images of the event. What is even more important, the projections were not adequate to the real situation. In some cases the image was simplified so the latent aspects and causal relations were not revealed. In other cases the projections were deformed and constructed images that did not reflect the real situation at all. The study illustrates that news media does not perceive factualness as a priority criterion when constructing news messages. The gap between the media projections of the event and the real situation is evident. Thus the conclusion can be drawn, that media can no longer be seen as a mirror reflecting the reality is it is. Instead, it creates a transformed image of the issue by deliberately highlighting some aspects and concealing the others. The work can be useful for practicians, working in the field on media relations, political communication specialists and member of general publics, who wish to have a deeper look at the principles of construction of news.

The work deals with the problem of factualness in the media. The main issue at question is whether factualness can be perceived as a priority requirement for the content of the news media. The hypothesis lying at the base of this work assumes that today's media does not prioritize factualness even when writing on important political topics. The objective of the study is to examine, whether news media messages on political topics fulfill the criterion of factualness which itself denotes the relation between the real object and its projection in the media. The subsidiary issues, analyzed in this work include main principles of functioning of the news media, the process of and the criteria for event selection, typical structure of the news message and ways of interaction between the journalist and the source of information. A substantial part of the work is devoted to the role of news media in the area of political communication. It analysis the main trends in covering political topics, deals with the tendency of media as constant opposition to the political elite. It also defines main aspects of reporting on political issues, determines major tendencies of news reporting, including the trend of politainment, the rise of so called "junkyard journalism", The empiric study, analyzing the media coverage on the resignation of the former minister of Health A. Caplikas, revealed that the projection of this issue in the news media was not homogeneous in its nature. Different newspapers and internet news portals projected different images of the event. What is even more important, the projections were not adequate to the real situation. In some cases the image was simplified so the latent aspects and causal relations were not revealed. In other cases the projections were deformed and constructed images that did not reflect the real situation at all. The study illustrates that news media does not perceive factualness as a priority criterion when constructing news messages. The gap between the media projections of the event and the real situation is evident. Thus the conclusion can be drawn, that media can no longer be seen as a mirror reflecting the reality is it is. Instead, it creates a transformed image of the issue by deliberately highlighting some aspects and concealing the others. The work can be useful for practicians, working in the field on media relations, political communication specialists and member of general publics, who wish to have a deeper look at the principles of construction of news.

The work deals with the problem of factualness in the media. The main issue at question is whether factualness can be perceived as a priority requirement for the content of the news media. The hypothesis lying at the base of this work assumes that today's media does not prioritize factualness even when writing on important political topics. The objective of the study is to examine, whether news media messages on political topics fulfill the criterion of factualness which itself denotes the relation between the real object and its projection in the media. The subsidiary issues, analyzed in this work include main principles of functioning of the news media, the process of and the criteria for event selection, typical structure of the news message and ways of interaction between the journalist and the source of information. A substantial part of the work is devoted to the role of news media in the area of political communication. It analysis the main trends in covering political topics, deals with the tendency of media as constant opposition to the political elite. It also defines main aspects of reporting on political issues, determines major tendencies of news reporting, including the trend of politainment, the rise of so called "junkyard journalism", The empiric study, analyzing the media coverage on the resignation of the former minister of Health A. Caplikas, revealed that the projection of this issue in the news media was not homogeneous in its nature. Different newspapers and internet news portals projected different images of the event. What is even more important, the projections were not adequate to the real situation. In some cases the image was simplified so the latent aspects and causal relations were not revealed. In other cases the projections were deformed and constructed images that did not reflect the real situation at all. The study illustrates that news media does not perceive factualness as a priority criterion when constructing news messages. The gap between the media projections of the event and the real situation is evident. Thus the conclusion can be drawn, that media can no longer be seen as a mirror reflecting the reality is it is. Instead, it creates a transformed image of the issue by deliberately highlighting some aspects and concealing the others. The work can be useful for practicians, working in the field on media relations, political communication specialists and member of general publics, who wish to have a deeper look at the principles of construction of news.

The work deals with the problem of factualness in the media. The main issue at question is whether factualness can be perceived as a priority requirement for the content of the news media. The hypothesis lying at the base of this work assumes that today's media does not prioritize factualness even when writing on important political topics. The objective of the study is to examine, whether news media messages on political topics fulfill the criterion of factualness which itself denotes the relation between the real object and its projection in the media. The subsidiary issues, analyzed in this work include main principles of functioning of the news media, the process of and the criteria for event selection, typical structure of the news message and ways of interaction between the journalist and the source of information. A substantial part of the work is devoted to the role of news media in the area of political communication. It analysis the main trends in covering political topics, deals with the tendency of media as constant opposition to the political elite. It also defines main aspects of reporting on political issues, determines major tendencies of news reporting, including the trend of politainment, the rise of so called "junkyard journalism", The empiric study, analyzing the media coverage on the resignation of the former minister of Health A. Caplikas, revealed that the projection of this issue in the news media was not homogeneous in its nature. Different newspapers and internet news portals projected different images of the event. What is even more important, the projections were not adequate to the real situation. In some cases the image was simplified so the latent aspects and causal relations were not revealed. In other cases the projections were deformed and constructed images that did not reflect the real situation at all. The study illustrates that news media does not perceive factualness as a priority criterion when constructing news messages. The gap between the media projections of the event and the real situation is evident. Thus the conclusion can be drawn, that media can no longer be seen as a mirror reflecting the reality is it is. Instead, it creates a transformed image of the issue by deliberately highlighting some aspects and concealing the others. The work can be useful for practicians, working in the field on media relations, political communication specialists and member of general publics, who wish to have a deeper look at the principles of construction of news.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]

The article attempts to show how the role of the mass media is changing in the field of politics today: it is no longer the institution that informs society or provides us with values and norms of behaviour and understanding, but itself becomes a political and ideological agent that exists in parallel with the political parties, competes with them and attempts to replace them in the political field. In modern society, the ideological expansion is only possible as media expansion. For this reason political parties or their ideologies compete today not only among themselves, but are also forced to compete with the mass media as a political power with an ideology of its own. Although it is hard to define (which is characteristic of the political structure of postmodern times), it influence on the society, its preferences in politics, and its choices of values is intensive and effective. As the mass media perceives its power and its new political and ideological opportunities, in the near future we will be forced to put up with it not only as the structure organising the flow of information, but also as an independent political agent with its own political interest, organization structure and interests directed at the processes of political decision- making, and not at the elucidation of those processes via the channels of information. In this way the mass media is changing and turning from a structure that represents the views and positions of the public into a structure that represents public interest in relation to power. It is becoming the key instrument in the organisation of political life and rendering meaning to it. At the same time the activity of the mass media arrests and paralyses the activity of the individual. People could themselves find out what the mass media provides, but at a considerably higher cost in time, energy and money. Thus the mass media deprives us of the will to learn and act independently. [.]