Suchergebnisse

"This book introduces new non-Western perspectives on the Arab Uprisings, to decenter and decolonize International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies. Drawing on over 10 years of fieldwork, ethnography, and empirical research, it is one of the first books to evaluate the position of International Relations theorists towards the study of the Arab Uprisings. It relies on local IR scholarship from the region, which is rarely considered, and includes 250 interviews. It provides a critical account of why democratic revolutions have failed, how counterrevolutions and authoritarianism have fortified, and why revolutions will resurgence once again in this turbulent region"--

Part 1: Objectives, Substantive Issues and Structure of This Book -- Chapter 1. Scientific, knowledgeable background and Book Architecture -- Part 2: Urban Informality Transitions in the Middle East's Cities -- Chapter 2. Governance and Sustainability Transitions on Urban Informality -- Chapter 3. Urbanization and Informality in the Era of Globalization -- Chapter 4. The Paradigm of Urban Informality: Laws, Norms, and Practices -- Chapter 5. State, Society, Economy, and Housing Informality -- Chapter 6. Land Rights, Governance and Urban Informality -- Chapter 7. Spatial Divide, Marginality, Social Exclusion, Social Cohesion, and Urban Informality -- Part 3: Cross-Regional Scene -- Chapter 8. A Puzzle of Urban Sustainability Transitions on Urban Informality in Egypt -- Chapter 9. The Pockets of Urban Informality in Lebanon -- Chapter 10. Hills of Urban Informality in Greater Amman, Jordan -- Part 4: Epilogue -- Chapter 11. A Credible Future.

Abriß des libyschen Freiheitskampfes; Darstellung der Geschichte Libyens von der italienischen Eroberung 1911 bis zur Septemberrevolution 1969 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des anti-kolonialen Widerstandes unter Führung 'Umar al-Mukhtars 1923-1932; zahlreiche Fotos der bedeutendsten libyschen Führer des Unabhängigkeitskampfes und de italienischen Generäle in Libyen; Chronologie zur Geschichte Libyens seit 643 n.Chr. bis 1973. (DÜI-Faa)

The recent increase in financial market volatility and the increased surge within developing world to become part of the global market have posed several challenges for policy-makers in the emerging markets to decide on a policy regime— monetary or exchange rate—that suits their needs and could also provide stability to the financial system. In view of the macroeconomic characteristics of these emerging economies, the choice of an appropriate policy becomes important to achieve certain targets such as sizeable domestic and foreign investment, reduced reliance on external borrowings, fiscal discipline, etc. These would require both price and exchange rate stability and country's ability to deal with external shocks to maintain and achieve sustainable economic growth. Pakistan is no different and until recently had a history of macroeconomic imbalances with extremely high foreign (as well as domestic) debt, high budget and current account deficits, extremely low international reserves, high inflation, high nominal interest rates and low economic growth. The average economic growth over 40 years is around 4 percent. The main focus of any policy has been to achieve a sustainable growth pattern. However, due to a number of macroeconomic imbalances such as high budget deficits, extremely high indebtedness, low savings and investment rates, lack of fiscal discipline, undeveloped financial markets, unstable exchange rates along with high population growth and huge defence expenditure made this task almost impossible. Some of these macroeconomic imbalances contributed to episodes of high inflation and unemployment that the country experienced during most of the period since independence.

Beginning with the uprising in 2011 and until the reelection of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in 2018 for a second term, the Egyptian Orthodox Church has been an important player as the representative of the Coptic Christians in the country. This article examines the role of the Egyptian Orthodox Church since the establishment of the republic in 1952 and explores the historical events that sought to redefine the role of the Church in the political sphere. Unlike the previous studies focusing on Coptic Christians and their position in the sociopolitical contexts, this study tackles the political role of the Orthodox Church in its institutional capacity. The study concludes that the Egyptian Orthodox Church has turned into an important political player in the political sphere, and its political role increased substantially with the uprising. Its power is manifested in its support for the political transformations in 2013 and the backing the regime until today.

From the 1980s on Somalia was in the grip of a looming civil war and formal institutions were weak and corrupt, which affected livestock exports. Livestock exports from northern Somalia, now Somaliland, resumed in the early 1990s in the absence of formal institutions and by late 1990, they were back in full swing. Some have made assumptions about the performance of informal institutions in the economy by interpreting the increase in the number of livestock exports from the port of Berbera in the absence of formal institutions to be an indicator of a performing post-war export sector. This study employs an institutional approach, informed by in-depth interviews and personal histories across a wide array of actors in the livestock export trade. Informal institutions have provided governance in the livestock export trade in the absence of formal institutions. However, coordination problems and other crippling challenges that have confronted livestock export since 1991 attest to the fact that informal institutions cannot be a substitute for formal institutions in the complex international trade. Somaliland had reinstated some formal institutions by the mid-1990s. However, the role of these institutions in the international livestock export trade is very limited due to their political status. Meanwhile, in the domestic economy, the interaction between formal and informal institutions has restructured the post-1991 livestock export trade.

This summer, American academia will celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of Samuel Huntington's most controversial article, later book, on the post-Cold War era. "Clash of Civilizations?" was published for the first time in the summer issue of the semi-scholarly journal Foreign Affairs, and was considered the manifesto of US foreign policy after the fall of the Soviet Union. With his publication, Huntington established the foundation of what would become the dominant and unchallenged narrative discourse in world politics during the 1990s and 2000s, especially after the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. Huntington created the discourse of "Islam is the enemy" and "Islam is the new bogeyman," to use Stephen Walt's analogy. Now, twenty-five years after its publication, this article evaluates whether Huntington's assumption was correct. Does Islam really represent a global threat? And are Muslims the bogeymen of the twenty-first century? The answer, according to this article, is emphatically no!