Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe aim of this article is to provide longitudinal insights into the economic strategies that households from differing social strata have adopted as they attempt to adjust to the changing socio-economic environment of the postsocialist transformation. A survey conducted in 2012 showed a significant decline in proactive economic strategies and a strong reliance on pensions and formal employment, occurring as a result of the 2008 financial crisis. The latest data, from a 2018 survey, show that post-crisis recovery has been followed by a renewal of proactive economic strategies, along with a more diverse range of labour strategies, and that households adopting these are achieving a better economic position. As was the case before the financial crisis, the economic position of households has been strongly influenced by the type of strategy they choose. This has greater significance than their starting position in the social strata.

Pristup 'resursne zavisnosti' predstavlja osobeno sociološko stanovište u izučavanju radnih organizacija, koje 70-ih godina razvija američki sociolog Džefri Fefer. U osnovi ovog pristupa nalazi se 'politički' model organizacije, koji polazi od bitno drugačijeg poimanja organizacije nasuprot do tada dominantnim strukturno-funkcionalnim i sistemskim 'racionalnim' modelima. U okviru stanovišta o 'resursnoj zavisnosti' mogu se uočiti dva osnovna nivoa analize: izučavanje unutarorganizacijskih procesa i odnosa i (na opštijem nivou) složeni odnosi između organizacije i njenog društvenog okruženja. Ovaj članak interpretira prvi aspekt pristupa, u nastojanju da ukaže na značaj shvatanja organizacija 'političkih' tvorevina. 'Politički' (analitički) model organizacije shvata organizacije kao pluralne tvorevine, sačinjene od aktera sa različitim interesima. U ovom modelu konflikt predstavlja 'prirodnu' posledicu heterogenog karaktera organizacija, a o ishodu konflikta odlučuje relativna moć sukobljenih aktera, kao i upotreba raznovrsnih 'političkih' strategija delovanja kojima članovi organizacije nastoje da uvećaju moć i ostvare svoje interese. ; 'Resource dependence' approach is a specific sociological viewpoint in organizational theory, developed by American sociologist Jeffrey Pfeffer during 70-ies. 'Political model' of organization that proceeds from essentially different understanding of organization is a cornerstone of this approach, in contrast to dominating structural-functional and system-related 'rational' models which were dominating till then. The two basic levels of analysis could be noticed within the 'resource dependence' approach: a study of intraorganizational processes and relations and (on more general level) complex relations between an organization and its social environment. This article examines the first aspect of the approach trying to indicate the importance of understanding of organizations as 'political entities. 'Political' (analytical) model of organization understands organizations as plural entities composed of actors having different interests. In this model, conflict is a 'natural' consequence of heterogeneous character of organizations, while conflict solution depends on relative power of actors as well as on application of various 'political' strategies by which members of organization try to increase their power and to achieve their interests.

The article analyzes how various societal interests and groups influenced employment and social policies in contemporary Serbia. These policies were shaped under the influence of international actors and current mainstream ideas. However, various societal interests and interest groups have affected them. Using policy network analysis, we identified key actors, their interests and ideological preferences, and the influence they exerted on the employment and welfare policies. The research indicates that the potential for the redistribution of power and resources is a trigger for establishing policy networks. In the field of social welfare we identify a stable policy network connecting various professional groups (from the public sector, academia, and the nongovernmental sector). There was a lack of other social interests in the debate, that is, welfare beneficiaries or civil society pressures that would influence policy process. The policy network was thereby primarily based on clearly identified interests of professional groups, and new welfare policies redefined and improved their professional and social status. In the field of employment policies, there was a lack of societal interests and organized interests groups that would influence policy process and outcomes. No policy network was identified, and obviously key actors in shaping of employment and labor policies (i.e., economic elites) were not even among the direct participants in the process. During the course of the policy reforms, direct and specific redistributive interests of groups that could have benefited from the new policies had mediated various policy inputs and at the end prevailed over the broader ideological frameworks.

Usled nedostatka obuhvatnih, sistematičnih i preciznih podataka o međunarodnim migracijama u Srbiji, te analiza migracionih trendova, njihovih faktora i posledica, tekst ima za cilj da ponudi pregled savremenih međunarodnih migracionih tokova u Srbiji. Međunarodni migracioni tokovi se posmatraju u kontekstu polu-periferijskog položaja Srbije u globalnom sistemu, kao i sputanih procesa socio-ekonomske transformacije i razvoja. Migracije se analiziraju na makro nivou, prema ključnim dimenzijama kao što su intenzitet, pravci tokova i karakteristike migranata. Analiza je utemeljena u osnovnoj klasifikaciji na tokove iz Srbije i prema Srbiji (emigracija i imigracija), uključujući i one koje sadrže obe komponente predstavljajući tranzitne migracije iz nerazvijenih prema razvijenim zemljama preko teritorije Srbije. Unutar ove osnovne podele, migracioni tokovi se proučavaju diferencirano u zavisnosti od njihovog legalnog statusa, onako kako je definisan aktuelnim međunarodnim i nacionalnim normativnim okvirom, kao i u zavisnosti od razloga za migriranje. Pored analize glavnih migratornih trendova, pažnja je u tekstu usmerena i na savremene politike upravljanja migracijama. ; In the absence of comprehensive, systematic and precize data on international migration in Serbia, and consequently the analysis of migration trends, their drivers and outcomes, the objective of this paper is to offer the review of contemporary migration flows in Serbia. International migration flows are observed in the context of semi-peripheral position of Serbia in the global system, and hindered transformation and development. Migrations are analyzed at the macro level, according to the key dimensions, such as the intensity, directions of flows and characteristics of migrants. The analysis is grounded in the basic classification to outward and inward migration flows (emigration and immigration), including some that include both aspects as they are transit migrations from underdeveloped to developed countries through the territory of Serbia. Within this basic division, migration flows are analyzed separately depending on their legal status as defined by present international and national normative frameworks, as well as by motivation for migration. In addition to the analysis of main migratory trends, the attention is focused to the actual migration management policies.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- The Setting: Serbia's Meandering Modernity -- The Question of Autonomy -- References -- Chapter 2: Uncertain Beginnings: Sociology in Serbia Until 1945 -- Precursors: Proto-sociology -- Incipient Institutionalization: The Law School Circle, Societies, and Journals -- Mirko Kosić and Đorđe Tasić: An Antithesis? -- Conclusion: The Mirage of a Field -- References -- Chapter 3: State Science or State Enemy? Sociology in Serbia Under Communist Rule (1945-1990) -- Establishing Sociology -- An Elective Affinity -- A Golden Age? -- The Unlikely Prominence of Critical Sociology -- Hardliners Strike Back -- Revival as "Crisology" -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: The Postsocialist Period: Sociology in Search of Its Place in a New World -- War, Collapse of Yugoslavia, and the Blocked Transformation (1991-2000) -- Sociology and War: Institutional Breakup -- Sociology of Scarcity or Scarce Sociology? -- Institutional Setting: Fragmentation of the Community -- Bipolar Structuring of the Sociological Field: Sociological Cleavages -- Destruction of Society and Evolution of Professional Sociology -- Paradigm Changes -- The Advent of Critical and Public Sociology -- Unblocked Postsocialist Transformation and Consolidation of Capitalism (2000-2021): Wavering Democracy and Neoliberal Challenges -- Wavering Success: Sociology Between Social Recognition and Marginalization -- Sociology Between Socio-Integrative and Critical Science -- Widening the Gap: Cleavages Within the Community -- The Ascent of Professional and Policy Sociology -- Sociologists as Political Analysts, Public Intellectuals, and Political Activists -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Conclusion -- Index.

Main objective in this article is to describe in more details specific interlinkages and exchange that is unfolding between political elite and entrepreneurs as key actors that possess, manage and deploy economic resources in the private sector of the economy. The focus is on the specific mechanisms through which the exchange has been unfolding, as well as on the perception of the functionality of the exchange for the position and interests of both type of actors. The analysis is conducted using empirical findings from the qualitative, in-depth research on political clientelism and party patronage implemented in the spring 2015 upon sample of 55 representatives of political elite, 26 economic actors, 9 interlocking broker and 8 experts. From the research, it is clear that economic actors have, to put it mildly, ambivalent attitude towards this way of functioning of the market. On the one hand, they feel all the risks they are exposed to: additional expenditure, unforeseen requirements, interference in their own personnel policy, uncertainty of their business in the long term, unfair competition, demand unpredictability etc. On the other hand, they take this play as given. When they think strategically, they rationally consider alternatives and cost-benefit relationship. Although the desire to get rid of the political embrace is present, the support that comes from that side represents at least a short-term guarantor of their position security. Political actors take this system as given to a certain extent and when describing the mechanisms of its functioning, they do not question the system itself.

Tekst se zasniva na rezultatima empirijskog istraživanja koje je realizovano na uzorku učesnika beogradskog Protesta 96/97. Prezentovani nalazi istraživanja odnose se na sociodemografske karakteristike učesnika Protesta, njihov politički profil, karakter protesta, odnosno zahteve koje ističu demonstranti, kao i na njihovo ponašanje za vreme Protesta. ; The text is based on the results of an empirical survey an a sample of participants in the Belgrade 96/97 Protest. The research findings presented here relate to the socio-demographic characteristics of protest participants, their political profile, nature of the protest, i.e. demands put forward by the demonstrators, as well as their behavior during the Protest.