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Workers' protests in the 1980s and 1990s, numerous and widely distributed though they may be, remain spasmodic, spontaneous and unco-ordinated. While the reasons are numerous, this article focuses on the role of workers' hegemonic acceptance of the core values of the market and the state. Data from interviews in Tianjin from 1995 to 1999 are used to explicate the existence of this hegemony. Several of its sources, some general, some specific to China, are then discussed. The findings are situated within recent scholarship on labour politics in China, and the prospects are discussed.

A neo-Gramscian framework is explicated, with specific attention to some problems of adapting it to the practice & analysis of state socialism, & used to analyze the attempts of the Chinese revolution & the Maoist state to erect a new hegemony based around the core concept of class, with focus on language, moral values, agendas of local political participation, consciousness, & culture. A dialectically formulated discussion of the contradictions that led to the ultimate failure of the Maoist class-based hegemonic project, its lingering effects, & its outcome in its Dengist opposite is presented. The contradictions of the Dengist period, which foreshadowed the crisis that exploded in Apr 1989, are identified. It is concluded that the neo-Gramscian approach: (1) provides the basis for explicating the interpenetration of cultural, poltical, & social change; (2) shows that the Maoist hegemonic project did not eventuate merely in a political program or set of policies, but more broadly in a structure of conflict with its own specific dialectic; (3) keeps open the problematic of state-society relations under state socialism & helps expose some of its complexity; (4) exposes the existence of counterhegemonic forces throughout the period of intense Maoist strivings for a new class-based hegemony; & (5) highlights the difficulty that even a very powerful state has in establishing a new hegemony. AA

Chinese state socialism has, for many years, politicized what crops the country's farmers plant. By doing so, it has transformed the agriculture radically and repeatedly. The state has adopted some strikingly different policy directions and modalities during both the Maoist and Dengist periods. The authors analyse and discuss the political economy in Maoist and Dengist China in Shulu (Hebei province). (DÜI-Sen)

"In Politics as a Science, two of the world's leading authorities on Comparative Politics, Philippe C. Schmitter and Marc Blecher, provide a lively introduction to the concepts and framework to study and analyze politics. Written with dexterity, concision and clarity, this short text makes no claim to being scientific. It contains no disprovable hypotheses, no original collection of evidence, and no search for patterns of association. Instead, Schmitter and Blecher keep the text broadly conceptual and theoretical to convey their vision of the sprawling subject of politics. They map the process in which researchers try to specify the goal of the trip, some of the landmarks likely to be encountered en route, and the boundaries that will circumscribe the effort. Examples, implications and elaborations are included in footnotes throughout the book. Politics as a Science is an ideal introduction for anyone interested in, or studying, Comparative Politics"--

This volume adopts a multidisciplinary and comparative approach to development that brings together issues that are characteristic of the lifelong scholarship of Professor Gordon White. These include a focus on the state, civil society, welfare and globalization.

"Examining the interaction between the Communist Party of China [CCP] and specific social categories (including peasants, workers, the middle classes and the dominant class), with a focus on class and class discourse, this volume analyses the CCP's impact on social change in China between 1921-1978. By exploring the CCP's evolving discourse of class this book demonstrates that, while class has retained its centrality, its meaning has been re-articulated from an ideological-political tool to a less meaningful signifier, though always used instrumentality. By examining the impact of the CCP's policies and discourse surrounding class, it also reveals how its own policies since 1921 have shaped the CCP's current (2021) perspectives on class and stratification. This volume through an analysis of economic, political, and cultural inequalities in Chinese society even after 1949, also reveals the emergence of a diverse and often overlooked middle class in Chinese society during the 1950s. Delivering a detailed analysis of how the CCP has developed its practical approaches to class and mobilisation, this study will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Politics, Chinese History, Asian Politics and Asian studies"--

1. Class in Themselves and Classes for Themselves: Social Consciousness Divorced from Social ExistenceYingjie Guo2. Class and Social Mobility: Stratification and Social Change since 1978Beibei Tang3. The Performance of Class: Lifestyles and BehaviourBeibei Tang4. The Peasant Class under the Impact of Industrialisation, Urbanisation, and Household RegistrationYingjie Guo5. Economic Growth and Working Class Decline: Structural reform and social change after 1978Marc Blecher6. The Middle Class in Reforming China: The dream of a classless societyJean-Louis Rocca7. The Dominant Class after 1978: Elite Persistence and the Ironies of Social ChangeDavid S G Goodman