Religion and human flourishing
"An interdisciplinary exploration of the various ways in which religion contributes to individual and social well-being"--
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"An interdisciplinary exploration of the various ways in which religion contributes to individual and social well-being"--
"In the last 3 decades, cultural psychology has come of age, and this remarkable volume celebrates that fact. The transition from a culture-blind psychology to a culture-contingent psychology has been a rocky one and is far from complete. Yet hundreds of experiments, simulations, surveys, and analyses of cultural products and practices now provide increasingly robust support for Geertz's (1973) assertion that "there is no such thing as a human nature independent of culture" (p. 49) as well as for Bruner's (1990) claim that "it is impossible to construct a human psychology on the basis of the individual alone" (p. 12). People, the essays collected here explain, require the public and shared meanings and practices of their various communities and activities to become people. Moreover, there is an ongoing mutual constitution between people and their many cultures. People are culturally shaped shapers. This is their human nature. This volume, then, will go a long distance in completing the cultural turn in psychology. The emphasis here is on how cultures make psyches but also on how psyches make culture. The word is out. Culture is not just something that East Asians have. Here we find culture in many forms. These cultures derive from the many social distinctions that organize and animate our lives- professions, social classes, gender, the frontier, politics, religion, generation, food. Each of us interacts with multiple cultures in a lifetime and in a single day. We are shaped by these cultures, and we shape them. Because of culture, people don't have to wait around for natural selection or genetic mutation to produce the biology to live in a different terrain or cope with a change in climate. Together we can invent new shelters and climate-appropriate clothing. Or we can save ourselves the trouble of innovating new technologies by copying our fellow humans (Markus & Conner, 2013). People's capacity to be shaped by the meanings that are pervasive in their environments, to make meaning, to share these meanings, and to build worlds according to these meanings is their great evolutionary advantage. This insightful and provocative collection offers the careful reader many gifts. It is an illuminating example of its own message: Cultures evolve. The knowledge culture of psychology is evolving and finally giving full expression to some of the field's most powerful foundational ideas. The book also illuminates why psychologists should focus their attention on the systematic collective antecedents and consequences of individual actions. Finally, Culture Reexamined invites us to think about ourselves and other people in a new way. No one has just one culture. We all have many different cultures--of nation, region, race, gender, class, religion, profession, and so forth. We can embrace these cultures and use them as resources; we can resist them; and since they are products of human agency, we can also change them"--Foreword. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
In: Social issues and policy review: SIPR, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 104-130
ISSN: 1751-2409
AbstractIn both academic and policy contexts, two of the most widely researched and discussed diversity ideologies are multiculturalism (i.e., acknowledgment and celebration of group differences) and colorblindness (which can involve focusing on group similarities and characteristics of individuals instead of differences). However, both diversity ideologies have potential drawbacks, and their implications for intergroup contexts beyond race and ethnicity are not well understood. Given that the United States is becoming increasingly diverse in terms of religion, gender identity, and sexual orientation as well as race and ethnicity, we propose a "multiple forms" approach to diversity ideologies, particularly multiculturalism. We suggest that explicitly emphasizing the importance of many types of diversity may be beneficial for dominant and non‐dominant group members and for institutions and organizations more broadly. In this article, we present an overview of the "multiple forms" approach and what it would entail, review empirical evidence supporting its potential effectiveness, discuss the psychological and legal advantages and challenges involved in implementing such an approach, and offer concrete policy recommendations for doing so.
In: The Journal of social psychology, Band 162, Heft 3, S. 338-358
ISSN: 1940-1183
In: Ageing international, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 215-241
ISSN: 1936-606X
In: The Journal of sex research, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 226-232
ISSN: 1559-8519
In: Peace and conflict: journal of peace psychology ; the journal of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence, Peace Psychology Division of the American Psychological Association, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 65-80
ISSN: 1532-7949
In: Peace and conflict: journal of peace psychology ; the journal of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence, Peace Psychology Division of the American Psychological Association, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 65-80
ISSN: 1078-1919
Interviews with 29 Holocaust survivors indicate wide variation in degree of aversion to Germans and activities associated with Germany. For some survivors, aversion is limited to those closest to the Nazi perpetrators; for others aversion includes anyone with German ancestry and any situation or product linked to contemprary Germany. This wide range of aversion following horrific experiences is not easily explained by known psychological mechanisms, and has important implications for understanding and ameliorating ethnopolitical conflict. Possible sources of variation in aversion are explored with measures of personality differences and differences in Holocaust experience. Results indicate that degree of trauma during the Holocaust is not significantly related to aversion, and that strong predictors of aversion are degree of blame of Germans not directly involved in the Holocaust, religiosity, and German origin. Aversion to Germans is strongly related to aversion to contemporary Arabs and Muslims,. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 33, Heft 2, S. 275-299
ISSN: 1467-9221
Some argue that there is an organic connection between being religious and being politically conservative. We evaluate an alternative thesis that the relation between religiosity and political conservatism largely results from engagement with political discourse that indicates that these characteristics go together. In a combined sample of national survey respondents from 1996 to 2008, religiosity was associated with conservative positions on a wide range of attitudes and values among the highly politically engaged, but this association was generally weaker or nonexistent among those less engaged with politics. The specific political characteristics for which this pattern existed varied across ethno‐religious groups. These results suggest that whether religiosity translates into political conservatism depends to an important degree on level of engagement with political discourse.
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 33, Heft 2, S. 275-300
ISSN: 0162-895X
In: Comparative politics, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 189
ISSN: 0010-4159
In: Comparative politics, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 189-209
ISSN: 2151-6227
In: Peace and conflict: journal of peace psychology ; the journal of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence, Peace Psychology Division of the American Psychological Association, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 412-429
ISSN: 1532-7949