Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1 Introducing the ethnography: working and researching in a {u2018}deviant{u2019} occupation -- chapter 2 Lap-dancing and the night-time economy -- chapter 3 Rules, contracts and players -- chapter 4 Introducing Starlets {u2013} a lap-dancing club setting -- part Karen{u2019}s story {u2013} Part 1: starting out -- chapter 5 Becoming a dancer -- part Karen{u2019}s story {u2013} Part 2: working at Starlets -- chapter 6 Learning to lap-dance: an apprenticeship -- chapter 7 Experiencing lap-dancing -- chapter 8 Being established -- part Karen{u2019}s story {u2013} Part 3: leaving Starlets -- chapter 9 Leaving Starlets -- chapter 10 Lap-dancing: complex and contradictory.

In the original article an error was contained within the following paragraph on page 242. It should have read;
Under the new amendments, which were laid out in Section 27 of the Policing and Crime Act 2009 (Great Britain, 2009), lap-dancing clubs and other venues in which there is 'any live display of nudity' and where there have been more than 'eleven occasions on which relevant entertainment has been so provided which fall (wholly or partly) within the period of 12 months ending with that time' (Section 27, schedule 2Ai, Policing and Crime Act 2009) are now included as SEs.

In England and Wales, with the introduction of Section 27 of the Policing and Crime Act 2009, lap-dancing clubs can now be licensed as Sexual Entertainment Venues. This article considers such, offering a critique of Section 27, arguing that this legislation is not evidence-based, with lap-dancing policy, like other sex-work policies, often associated with crime, deviance and immorality. Furthermore, it is argued that sex-work policies are gradually being homogenised as well as increasingly criminalised. Other criticisms relate to various licensing loopholes which lead to some striptease venues remaining unlicensed and unregulated, potentially impacting on the welfare of erotic dancers. In addition, restrictions on the numbers of lap-dancing venues may exacerbate dancer unemployment, drawing these women into poverty. Finally, The Policing and Crime Act reflects how the political focus is being directed away from the exploitation of workers, on toissuesrelating to crime and deviance, despite limited evidence to support this focus.

Despite important moves towards gender equality, the experience of the night-time city remains profoundly different for women and men. The visibility of self-styled 'gentleman's clubs' where female dancers perform for a predominantly male clientele has been taken as prime evidence of this persistent inequity. Opposition to such clubs has hence been vocal, with the result that many local authorities in England and Wales have moved to ban clubs within their jurisdiction utilising the powers of the Policing and Crime Act, 2009. This paper explores the arguments that have persuaded policy-makers to refuse licences for such venues, particularly the idea that sexual entertainment causes specific harms to women. The paper does not question the veracity of such arguments, but instead explores why sexual entertainment venues have become a target of feminist campaigning, situating this opposition in the context of long-standing debates about the vulnerability of women in the night-time city.

Striptease venues have been the subject of considerable public debate following the emergence of highly visible 'lap dancing' clubs in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Accused of promoting forms of criminality and nuisance, the state and the law has nonetheless stopped short of banning such venues in England and Wales, with Section 27 of the Policing and Crime Act 2009 allowing for regulation through locally devolved systems of licensing. This article accordingly analyses the licensing of sexual entertainment venues (SEVs) enacted at the local level and demonstrates how the deployment of these local powers is capable of removing such businesses from select cities simply on the basis that they are 'out of place'. Given this is a form of spatial regulation against which there is little legal recourse, the article highlights the particular role played by municipal law in the regulation of sexuality, stressing the growing importance of environmental, planning and licensing law – as opposed to criminal law – as a means of regulating sexual conduct.

AbstractHow do sexual and gender minorities use social media to express themselves and construct their identities? We discuss findings drawn from focus groups conducted with 17 sexual and gender minority social media users who shared their experiences of online harms. They include people with gay, lesbian, bisexual, trans, queer, asexual, non‐binary, pansexual, poly, and kink (LGBTQ+) identities. We find that sexual and gender minorities face several challenges online, but that social media platforms provide important spaces for them to feel understood and accepted. We use Goffman's work to explore how sexual and gender minorities engage in 'front region' performances online as part of their identity work. We then turn to Hochschild's concepts of 'feeling rules' and 'framing rules' to argue that presentations of self, or front region performances, must include the role of feelings and how they are socially influenced to be understood.