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Voting is a habit. People learn the habit of voting, or not, based on experience in their first few elections. Elections that do not stimulate high turnout among young adults leave a 'footprint' of low turnout in the age structure of the electorate as many individuals who were new at those elections fail to vote at subsequent elections. Elections that stimulate high turnout leave a high turnout footprint. So a country's turnout history provides a baseline for current turnout that is largely set, except for young adults. This baseline shifts as older generations leave the electorate and as changes in political and institutional circumstances affect the turnout of new generations. Among the changes that have affected turnout in recent years, the lowering of the voting age in most established democracies has been particularly important in creating a low turnout footprint that has grown with each election
In: Strathclyde papers on government and politics 82
In: Strathclyde papers on government and politics 62
In: Strathclyde papers on government and politics 49
In: West European politics, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 648-658
ISSN: 1743-9655
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 202-203
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 202-203
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 41, Heft 6, S. 751-757
ISSN: 1475-6765
Abstract. Palle Svensson in this issue of EJPR has objected to the characterisation of Danish voters made by Franklin and others who, in various publications, expounded the thesis that on issues of low salience, referendum votes tend to follow party lines. Svensson finds evidence that the Maastricht Treaty was not an issue of low salience to Danish voters in the ratification referendums conducted there, and gives other details of the evolution of public opinion regarding Europe that clarify the circumstances in which our thesis should apply. In the light of his arguments, this Comment presents a more nuanced version of the thesis that learns from the Danish case, and should be of greater utility than our earlier version in helping to interpret the role of government standing in referendum outcomes.
In: American political science review, Band 96, Heft 2, S. 443-444
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: American political science review, Band 96, Heft 2, S. 443-444
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 8, Heft 5, S. 617-618
ISSN: 1354-0688
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 41, Heft 6, S. 51-58
ISSN: 0304-4130
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 309-328
ISSN: 1741-2757
The June 1999 elections to the European Parliament were the fourth to show lower turnout, suggesting to some a decline in support for the European project. This paper shows, however, that turnout decline has been built into the EC/EU enlargement process. In the first EP elections, voting was compulsory in 40% of participating countries; but no more compulsory voting countries have joined the EC/EU, so the effects of this variable have become increasingly diluted. An even more important factor has been the boost to turnout that new member countries generally enjoy at their first EP election. The loss of this boost in subsequent elections joins with the declining proportion of compulsory voting countries to explain virtually all the decline in turnout at EP elections since 1979. This finding emphasizes the importance of keeping track of the changing composition of the entity being studied when trying to understand electoral change.