Suchergebnisse

This document examines the dynamics established between change and continuity under sub-national authoritarianisms (more specifically in provinces) in national democratic regimes. Contributions taken from local theories on territorial politics constitute the framework for our analysis of the strategic context in the midst of which authoritarian elites in power, and their local and national opponents, put forward their territorial control and opposition strategies. Still, sub-national authoritarianism must not be considered a mere local issue, but rather the final result of wider national territorial governing dynamics within democratic regimes. That is, conflicts arising between different authoritarianisms and the opposition take place in myriad territorial arenas within an established national political system. In national democratic regimes, authoritarian elites will attempt three different types of strategies: establishing a parochial-style mode of exerting power, extending its influence nationwide, and monopolizing the extant institutional links between the national and sub-national spheres. Thus, the democratization of the sub-national realm, if and when it happens, will only take place via the intervention of actors and agents from national political arenas. In order to better understand this phenomenon, two main distinctions are made between two types or modes of sub-national political change: those transitions "led by political parties" and those "led by the center". ; Este documento explora las dinámicas de cambio y continuidad de los autoritarismos subnacionales (específicamente en las provincias) en los regímenes democráticos nacionales. Tomando contribuciones de teorías propias de la política territorial provee un marco para el análisis del contexto estratégico en el que élites autoritarias en el poder y sus oponentes locales y nacionales adelantan estrategias de control territorial y de oposición. El autoritarismo subnacional no debe ser entendido como un asunto local, sino como un resultado de dinámicas más amplias de gobernanza territorial nacional en regímenes democráticos. Los conflictos entre los autoritarismos y la oposición ocurren a través de múltiples ámbitos territoriales dentro del sistema político nacional. En regímenes democráticos nacionales las élites autoritarias adelantarán tres tipos de estrategias: la parroquialización del poder, la nacionalización de su influencia, y la monopolización de los vínculos institucionales entre lo nacional y lo subnacional. La democratización subnacional, cuando ocurra, resultará entonces de la intervención por parte de actores en espacios políticas nacionales. Para este fin se han hecho dos distinciones entre las "modalidades" de cambio político subnacional: las transiciones "lideradas por partidos políticos" y las transiciones "lideradas por el centro". ; Este documento explora as dinâmicas de mudança e continuidade dos autoritarismos subnacionais (especialmente nas províncias) nos regimes democráticos nacionais. Tomando contribuições de teorias próprias da política territorial provê um marco para a análise do contexto estratégico no que as elites autoritárias no poder e seus oponentes locais e nacionais adiantam estratégias de controle territorial e de oposição. O autoritarismo subnacional não deve ser entendido como um assunto local, senão como um resultado de dinâmicas mais amplas de governança territorial nacional em regimes democráticos. Os conflitos entre os autoritarismos e a oposição ocorrem através de múltiplos âmbitos territoriais dentro do sistema político nacional. Em regimes democráticos nacionais as elites autoritárias adiantaram três tipos de estratégias: a paroquialização do poder, a nacionalização de sua influência, e a monopolização dos vínculos institucionais entre o nacional e o subnacional. A democratização subnacional, quando aconteça, resultará então da intervenção por parte de atores em espaços políticos nacionais. Para este fim se têm feito duas distinções entre as "modalidades" de mudança política subnacional: as transições "lideradas por partidos políticos" e as transições "lideradas pelo centro".

Este documento explora las dinámicas de cambio y continuidad de los autoritarismos subnacionales (específicamente en las provincias) en los regímenes democráticos nacionales. Tomando contribuciones de teorías propias de la política territorial provee un marco para el análisis del contexto estratégico en el que élites autoritarias en el poder y sus oponentes locales y nacionales adelantan estrategias de control territorial y de oposición. El autoritarismo subnacional no debe ser entendido como un asunto local, sino como un resultado de dinámicas más amplias de gobernanza territorial nacional en regímenes democráticos. Los conflictos entre los autoritarismos y la oposición ocurren a través de múltiples ámbitos territoriales dentro del sistema político nacional. En regímenes democráticos nacionales las élites autoritarias adelantarán tres tipos de estrategias: la parroquialización del poder, la nacionalización de su influencia, y la monopolización de los vínculos institucionales entre lo nacional y lo subnacional. La democratización subnacional, cuando ocurra, resultará entonces de la intervención por parte de actores en espacios políticas nacionales. Para este fin se han hecho dos distinciones entre las "modalidades" de cambio político subnacional: las transiciones "lideradas por partidos políticos" y las transiciones "lideradas por el centro". ; This document examines the dynamics established between change and continuity under sub-national authoritarianisms (more specifically in provinces) in national democratic regimes. Contributions taken from local theories on territorial politics constitute the framework for our analysis of the strategic context in the midst of which authoritarian elites in power, and their local and national opponents, put forward their territorial control and opposition strategies. Still, sub-national authoritarianism must not be considered a mere local issue, but rather the final result of wider national territorial governing dynamics within democratic regimes. That is, conflicts arising between different authoritarianisms and the opposition take place in myriad territorial arenas within an established national political system. In national democratic regimes, authoritarian elites will attempt three different types of strategies: establishing a parochial-style mode of exerting power, extending its influence nationwide, and monopolizing the extant institutional links between the national and sub-national spheres. Thus, the democratization of the sub-national realm, if and when it happens, will only take place via the intervention of actors and agents from national political arenas. In order to better understand this phenomenon, two main distinctions are made between two types or modes of sub-national political change: those transitions "led by political parties" and those "led by the center".

The democratization of a national government is only a first step in diffusing democracy throughout a country's territory. Even after a national government is democratized, subnational authoritarian 'enclaves' often continue to deny rights to citizens of local jurisdictions. Gibson offers new theoretical perspectives for the study of democratization in his exploration of this phenomenon. His theory of 'boundary control' captures the conflict pattern between incumbents and oppositions when a national democratic government exists alongside authoritarian provinces (or 'states'). He also reveals how federalism and the territorial organization of countries shape how subnational authoritarian regimes are built and how they unravel. Through a novel comparison of the late nineteenth-century American 'Solid South' with contemporary experiences in Argentina and Mexico, Gibson reveals that the mechanisms of boundary control are reproduced across countries and historical periods. As long as subnational authoritarian governments coexist with national democratic governments, boundary control will be at play

Abstract
This paper reviews effects of both insufficient and excessive energy and macronutrient intake on cognition over the lifespan, including the prenatal period, infancy, childhood, and adulthood. In the brain, the hippocampus is particularly vulnerable to both protein malnutrition and energy undernutrition in utero or infancy, resulting in impaired neurogenesis and deficits in memory and spatial learning, reduced anxiety and increased impulsivity, reflected in impairments of neurotransmitter systems. Conversely, higher protein intake is associated with improved motor development but not mental development, whereas breastfeeding benefits mental development. Nevertheless, pre- and post-natal protein-energy supplementation has been shown to improve cognition in later childhood, and in adulthood, above energy alone. Similarly, n-3 essential fatty acid intake during pregnancy may have long-lasting effects on children's cognitive abilities. However, over-nutrition, particularly during gestation, may lead to metabolic programming that increases risk of cognitive impairment. In undernourished school children, breakfasts can benefit cognitive performance. In normally nourished children, benefits of breakfast are less clear; nevertheless, acutely, breakfasts lower in glycaemic index can benefit memory, whereas higher glycaemic breakfasts may improve vigilance. This difference depends on the impact of the carbohydrate on cortisol release. In adolescents and adults, moderate carbohydrate loads can benefit cognition, provided that glucoregulation is efficient. Protein intake may benefit memory by restraining task-related cortisol release. Chronically high intake of saturated fats may contribute to cognitive decline, whereas n-3 fatty acids, and perhaps reduced energy intake, may be protective. With aging populations, dietary prediction of cognition in adults is a key area for research.

The article is an introduction to the topic featured in JPLA 2/2010 "Subnational Authoritarianism and Democratization in Latin America." It discusses the papers by Carlos Gervasoni, Agustina Giraudy, Julián Durazo Herrmann, Alfred P. Montero, and Tracy Beck Fenwick that follow in this issue. Why feature the topic "subnational authoritarianism and democratization" in the Journal of Politics in Latin America? Because despite widespread agreement that subnational jurisdictions in Latin America vary considerably in the democratic character of their politics, political scientists are still largely in the dark about how to conceptualize and measure this situation, and have scant knowledge about mechanisms that sustain and undermine it. This collection of articles makes major headway toward clearing our methodological and theoretical ignorance of these topics. (GIGA)

Introduces a special journal issue devoted to addressing methodological & theoretical issues related to the topic of Latin American "subnational authoritarianism & democratization." At issue is the measurement & conceptualization of variations in democracy across nation-state jurisdictions & the key mechanisms of continuity & change in subnational authoritarianism in nationally democratic countries. Contributions are discussed in this light. D. Edelman

This article considers the political situation of an authoritarian province in a nationally democratic country. The objective is to uncover strategies that incumbents (in this article, governors) pursue to perpetuate provincial authoritarian regimes, as well as dynamics that can undermine such regimes. A central insight is that controlling the scope of provincial conflict (that is, the extent to which it is localized or nationalized) is a major objective of incumbents and oppositions in struggles over local democratization. Authoritarian incumbents will thus pursue "boundary control" strategies, which are played out in multiple arenas of a national territorial system. The articlefleshesout these processes via comparative analysis of two conflicts over subnational democratization in 2004: the state of Oaxaca in Mexico and the province of Santiago del Estero in Argentina.

This article considers the political situation of an authoritarian province in a nationally democratic country. The objective is to uncover strategies that incumbents (in this article, governors) pursue to perpetuate provincial authoritarian regimes, as well as dynamics that can undermine such regimes. A central insight is that controlling the scope of provincial conflict (that is, the extent to which it is localized or nationalized) is a major objective of incumbents and oppositions in struggles over local democratization. Authoritarian incumbents will thus pursue "boundary control" strategies, which are played out in multiple arenas of a national territorial system. The article fleshes out these processes via comparative analysis of two conflicts over subnational democratization in 2004: the state of Oaxaca in Mexico and the province of Santiago del Estero in Argentina. (World Politics / SWP)

The institution of federalism impacts politics & the quality of life for those living under it. The contributions to this book, summarized here, examine these impacts in the Latin American context where the three largest countries -- Brazil, Mexico, & Argentina -- plus Venezuela have federal constitutions. The essays present definitions of federalism, conceptual approaches to studying federal systems, the politics of democratization, & interactions between federalism & democratization. The essays also examine issues related to political decentralization & the changing balance of power between the federal governments & subnational territorial units in recent years. 33 References. M. Pflum

Governing parties face two fundamental tasks: they must pursue policies effectively, and they must win elections. Their national coalitions, therefore, generally include two types of constituencies—those that are important for policy-making and those that make it possible to win elections. In effect, governing parties must bring together a policy coalition and an electoral coalition. This distinction sheds light on how the transitional costs of major economic policy shifts can be made sustainable in electoral terms. It also provides a starting point for analysis of how two of Latin America's most important labor-based parties, the Peronist party in Argentina and the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico, maintained electoral dominance while pursuing free-market reforms that adversely affected key social constituencies. Peronism and the PRI are conceived of as having encompassed historically two distinctive and regionally based subcoalitions: a metropolitan coalition that gave support to the parties' development strategies and a peripheral coalition that carried the burden of generating electoral majorities. This framework permits a reconceptualization of the historic coalitional dynamics of Peronism and the PRI and sheds light on the current process of coalitional change and economic reform.