The Middle East Conflict: An Introduction
In: Springer Texts in Political Science and International Relations
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In: Springer Texts in Political Science and International Relations
In: Elemente der Politik
In: Elemente der Politik
In: Studienheft Sozialkunde, 6a-6b
1: 73 S. : Kt., Tab., Ill., graph. Darst.; 2: 74 S. : Kt., Tab., Lit.Hinw
World Affairs Online
In: Hamburger Informationen zur Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik 39
In: Hamburger Beiträge zur Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik 142
In: Demokratie, Sicherheit, Frieden, 107
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In: Friedenserziehung in Schule und Studium: Unterrichtsmodell "Gemeinsame Sicherheit" Bd. 1
In: Friedenserziehung in Schule und Studium: Unterrichtsmodell "Gemeinsame Sicherheit" Bd. 2
In: Orient: deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur des Orients = German journal for politics, economics and culture of the Middle East, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 31-38
ISSN: 0030-5227
World Affairs Online
In: Friedensgutachten, S. 179-192
ISSN: 0932-7983
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In: Friedensgutachten, S. 200-214
ISSN: 0932-7983
World Affairs Online
In: Orient: deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur des Orients = German journal for politics, economics and culture of the Middle East, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 6-12
ISSN: 0030-5227
"In view of the failed peace process, the Palestinians are pursuing the goal of a sovereign Palestinian State autonomously: In parts of the West Bank, the PA has established the institutions required for a functioning state. As a non-member observer state in the UN, Palestine enjoys most of the rights of full members, with the exception of voting. Such progress in legal terms stands in stark contrast with the situation on the ground: the Israeli occupation and the internal Palestinian divide." (author's abstract)
In: Sicherheit und Frieden: S + F = Security and Peace, Band 32, Heft 4, S. 243-248
ISSN: 0175-274X
Facing the failure of peace negotiations with Israel, Fatah and Hamas have made a new attempt to overcome the Palestinian internal divide and agreed to form a provisional unity government. As for Hamas, this decision requires from the movement no less than transforming from a non-state violent actor to a political party that draws its legitimacy from accountability and good governance. This article examines the factors that explain why Hamas as the weaker of the two Palestinian factions has set off for power sharing in a democratically elected government. In the wake of the Gaza War of 2014, it identifies as a crucial condition for success of this experiment a sustainable ceasefire that allows Hamas to forego reliance on armed resistance operations. (S+F/Pll)
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