Suchergebnisse

This title is the first study to relate the history and contemporary role of the South East Asian monarchy to the politics of the region today. Comprehensive & up-to-date, Monarchy in South East Asia features an historical and political overview of *Cambodia *Thailand *Malaysia *Brunei *Indonesia *Laos *as well as the region in general. The excellent coverage of this fascinating subject should be of interest to general reader as well as to specialists focusing on region.

After the custodial function of the Conference of Malay Rulers in relation to Malay Special Rights was strengthened constitutionally in 1971, a new royal assertiveness began to emerge, politically and economically, calling in question the well-established political symbiosis between monarchy and the elective nationalist elite. Dr Mahathir began his Premiership in 1981 in the midst of a crisis of authority in Pahang State, and in 1983 felt bound to take steps to spell out the duty of royal consent to legislation, anticipating the possible election of the Sultan of Johor as Supreme Ruler. Despite only partial success in this manoeuvre, Dr Mahathir appears to have turned the personal imperatives of the Sultan of Johor to good account in his battle with the judiciary in 1988. In late 1992 the same Sultan played into his hands again by assaulting a hockey coach and making possible a Constitutional Amendment which has not only removed legal immunity from all the reigning monarchs but has also established a right of legislators to criticise royalty in elective assemblies - an important asset for the ruling party in view of the increasingly independent political posture of the Sultan of Kelantan. It is difficult to avoid the conlusion that, since this constitutional crisis of 1993, "Malaysia will never be the same again", although the rulers did manage to establish their right to be consulted and potentially to refuse consent, regarding such a change in their own powers.

Present-day Brunei has been able to survive as a micro-state thanks to oil. But its wealth has also proved consolidating with regard to political structure, including ethnic stratification. Chinese and Ibans have been accorded grossly inferior status, by comparison with their counterparts in Malaysia, owing partly to the distinctive evolution of nationalism and monarchy in the two countries. Even the seven recognised indigenous groups are differentiated on the basis of religion. But more significant is the threat to the very survival of non-Muslim cultures from assimilationist pressures in an authoritarian Malay polity.

Review of:BATHIAR EFFENDY: Islam and the State in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS, 2003. XX, 266 pp., ISBN 981-230-083-X (hb), 981-230-082-1 (pb)ANTHONY MILNER: Region, Security and the Return of History. Singapore: ISEAS, 2003. 59 pp., ISBN 981-230-221-2VIRGINIA HOOKER/AMIN SAIKAL (eds.): Islamic Perspectives on the New Millennium. Singapore: ISEAS, 2004. 266 pp., ISBN 981-230-241-7 (hb), 981-230-240-9 (pb)K.S. NATHAN/MOHAMMED HASHIM KAMALI (eds.): Islam in Southeast Asia. Political, Social and Strategic Challenges for the 21st Century. Singapore: ISEAS, 2005. ISBN 981-230-283-2 (hb), 981-230-282-4 (pb)