Struktura przestrzenna Gniezna i przemieszczenia jego mieszkańców
In: Prace Komisji Geograficzno-Geologicznej 22
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In: Prace Komisji Geograficzno-Geologicznej 22
In: Górnośląskie studia socjologiczne, Band 12, S. 55-82
ISSN: 2353-9658
The multidimensionality and multifacetedness of relations between residents and the area they inhabit in the form of regionalism, as well as the activities of organizations aimed at the development of pro-regional attitudes have found themselves in the field of interest of various scholarly disciplines, including geography. Roman Matykowski's aim in this article is to examine this phenomenon from the perspective of geography, which in various periods of its development also used the achievements of other disciplines (e.g., sociology). In the second part his article, Matykowski uses the perspective of social geography to present selected results of his research on the specific regionalism in Cieszyn Silesia.
Urbanization is regarded among the most significant factors affecting election-related behaviour in Poland. In order to identify the importance of Poland's municipal electorate, a procedure of reverse elimination was applied to the electorates of successive largest cities in Poland, followed by a structure of supporting the strongest political parties at each stage of the cities' rank elimination. Whenever each successive elimination is followed by dwindling support for a given party, this party is referred to as pro-metropolitan.
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Urbanization is regarded among the most significant factors affecting election-related behaviour in Poland. In order to identify the importance of Poland's municipal electorate, a procedure of reverse elimination was applied to the electorates of successive largest cities in Poland, followed by a structure of supporting the strongest political parties at each stage of the cities' rank elimination. Whenever each successive elimination is followed by dwindling support for a given party, this party is referred to as pro-metropolitan.
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In: Przegla̜d zachodni: czasopismo Instytutu Zachodniego w Poznaniu : kwartalnik. [Polnische Ausgabe], Band 64, Heft 3, S. 95-112
ISSN: 0033-2437
In: Rozwój regionalny i polityka regionalna, Heft 65, S. 109-129
ISSN: 2353-1428
Polska tuż po odrodzeniu państwowości w 1918 r. przyznała powszechne prawo wyborcze kobietom. Celem opracowania jest przedstawienie aktywności politycznej kobiet w zakresie ich partycypacji w wyborach do Sejmu w latach 2007–2019, a więc niemal po wieku funkcjonowania ich praw. Z perspektywy geograficzno-elektoralnej istotnym zagadnieniem jest charakterystyka zmienności przestrzennej wybranych aspektów aktywności wyborczej kobiet i określenie mechanizmów wpływających na zmienność tych działań.
In: Journal of geography, politics and society, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 46-66
ISSN: 2451-2249
Among the popular music festivals operating in Poland in the last forty years, two of them played a special role, especially for their young recipients of amplified music. The first of them was the Rock Festival in Jarocin (it had different names) functioning in the years 1980–1994, so still in the period of communist authorities. Reactivated in 2005, it recently operates under the name Jarocin Festival and uses the legend of the event from the 1980s. In the new socio-political conditions, the second important event, the Pol'and'Rock Festival (called Woodstock Station in 1995–2017), began to function in 1995, which in the late 1990s exceeded 100,000 participants and became the largest popular music event in Poland. The aim of the study is to characterise the impact of these two important popular music festivals in Poland at the turn of the second and third decade of the 21st century in the spatial and socio-cultural dimensions on the community of its participants. Referring to the traditional chorological paradigm of human geography, an analysis of the differentiation of the territorial impact of festivals was made, and using patterns immersed in social geography-oriented music research, factors motivating to participate in festivals were determined.
In: Rozwój regionalny i polityka regionalna, Heft 62, S. 63-85
ISSN: 2353-1428
Celem opracowania jest charakterystyka zmian orientacji politycznych w elektoracie województwa wielkopolskiego w wyborach do Sejmu w latach 2001–2019. Rozwinięciem podjętych badań jest analiza rywalizacji między głównymi ugrupowaniami politycznymi – Prawem i Sprawiedliwością (PiS) oraz Platformą Obywatelską (lub jej mutacją Komitetem Obywatelskim w 2019 r.) w latach 2007–2019, jak również transgresja supremacji głosujących na PiS. Poza tym podjęto badania rywalizacji w innych płaszczyznach: (a) poprzez określenie roli kobiet-kandydatek na posłanki w wyborach 2015 i 2019 r. oraz (b) ukazanie zachowań elektoralnych w niektórych rodzajach obwodów specjalnych.
In: Rozwój regionalny i polityka regionalna, Heft 57, S. 109-127
ISSN: 2353-1428
Niniejsze opracowanie jest próbą przedstawienia roli i wpływu imprez biegowych na rozwój miast oraz możliwości ich promocji i budowania pozytywnego wizerunku. Scharakteryzowano wpływ organizowanych biegów masowych przez trzy miasta wielkopolskie różnej wielkości: Poznań, Gniezno i Grodzisk Wielkopolski. Rosnąca w XXI w. popularność aktywności fizycznej w postaci biegów może stać się ważnym impulsem dla rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego miast oraz stanowić nowe źródło poszukiwania tożsamości miasta czy jego nowego wizerunku.
In: Rozwój regionalny i polityka regionalna, Heft 48, S. 9-22
ISSN: 2353-1428
Celem opracowania jest charakterystyka orientacji politycznych elektoratu województwa wielkopolskiego w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w dniu 26 maja 2019 r. w przekroju terytorialnym 35 powiatów. Na podstawie wskaźnika proporcji poparcia dla dwóch czołowych komitetów wyborczych wyznaczono obszary przewagi Komitetu Europejskiego oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Zwrócono też uwagę na rolę kandydatów "nierodzimych" w różnych częściach województwa, uważanego za przykład zbiorowości o silnych postawach regionalistycznych.
The aim of this paper is to characterise the political orientations of the Wielkopolska region electorate revealed in the elections to the European Parliament on May 26 2019, in a territorial pattern of 35 poviats. Based on the ratio of support ratios for the two leading election committees, the areas of advantage of the European Committee and the predominance of support for Law and Justice were determined. Attention was also paid to the role of outsiders candidates in various parts of the voivodeship, considered as an example of a community with strong regionalist attitudes. ; Celem opracowania jest charakterystyka orientacji politycznych elektoratu województwa wielkopolskiego w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w dniu 26 maja 2019 r. w przekroju terytorialnym 35 powiatów. Na podstawie wskaźnika proporcji poparcia dla dwóch czołowych komitetów wyborczych wyznaczono obszary przewagi Komitetu Europejskiego oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Zwrócono też uwagę na rolę kandydatów "nierodzimych" w różnych częściach województwa, uważanego za przykład zbiorowości o silnych postawach regionalistycznych.
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The article aims at describing the regional differentiation of the turnout and of the support for major political parties in the parliamentary elections of 19 September 1994. Having analysed the aforesaid differentiation, one may note voividships with a consistently high (Wielkopolska, Małopolska) and consistently low electoral turnouts. Compared to the elections of 1991, the support for the Democratic Left Alliance has grown considerably throughout the whole country except the Zamosc voivodship, whereas the support for the Democratic Union has increased only in 7 voivodships (including the Poznań voivodship). One of the principal axes of competition was between peasant parties (PSL, PSL-PL) and townspeople parties (the Democratic Union, the Liberal Democratic Congress, the Labour Union). ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
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The analysis presented herein addresses the issue of social and religious diversity within the Catholic Church and its influence on voter turnout and Sejm election results in Poland. The paper covers election results from 2001 to 2007. Both organizational-institutional characteristics and social-religious characteristics of the Church have been taken into account when assessing the impact of the Church on regional differences in political support for selected political factions in 2005. The impact of each factor on the support level for a given party or political orientation in a regional (spatial) context was assessed on the basis of the degree of coincidence of the factors of interest, measured using the coefficient of correlation.
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The analysis presented herein addresses the issue of social and religious diversity within the Catholic Church and its influence on voter turnout and Sejm election results in Poland. The paper covers election results from 2001 to 2007. Both organizational-institutional characteristics and social-religious characteristics of the Church have been taken into account when assessing the impact of the Church on regional differences in political support for selected political factions in 2005. The impact of each factor on the support level for a given party or political orientation in a regional (spatial) context was assessed on the basis of the degree of coincidence of the factors of interest, measured using the coefficient of correlation.
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The end of the First World War saw a rebirth of the Polish state, but with indeterminate borders. As a result of a conflict between Poland and Czechoslovakia about Cieszyn Silesia, in February 1919 this area, including the town of Cieszyn, was temporarily divided (its part on the left bank of the Olza went to Czechoslovakia). Similarly, after the Second World War the new Polish-German border ran along the Lusatian Nysa and Oder rivers. Also in this case several split towns were created (including Görlitz-Zgorzelec, Gubin-Guben, and Frankfurt on the Oder – Słubice). Besides, despite the strong dividing /separating function of the border, some of the towns with border crossings started to expand towards the state border (e.g. Kudowa-Zdrój and Nachod). After the political transformation of the late 1980s and early '90s, split and border towns experienced significant changes in their demographic structures as well as in their economies and services. Thus, they started developing various complementary functions (especially shopping and some services) for the residents of the other side of the border. Demographic changes are most readily visible in the German parts of the split towns, in which shrinkage has accelerated after the unification of Germany. This process involves, among other things, a heavy outflow of inhabitants, primarily young and better educated, to western lands and a steep slump in the total fertility rate. Still, the most important changes observed in the split towns over the last two decades have been consumer behaviour patterns determined, among other things, by differences in prices in the neighbouring states. They involve frequent crossings of the state border to buy goods and services cheaper than in the home town. The chief places intended to serve consumers from the other side of the border are mostly bazaars (on the Polish side) and a network of specialised service facilities. ; En effet des changements des frontières dans la première moitié du XXe siècle tout près des frontières à l'ouest et au sud de la Pologne sept villes divisées ont apparu. Dans les années 1945–1989, les contacts économiques entres les villes situées de deux côtés de la frontière ont été difficiles. En se basant sur les recherches effectuées dans les années 1990–2010 on a constaté qu'à la suite des changements politiques de la fin des années 80 et du début des années 90 dans les villes divisées ont eu lieu les modifications importantes dans la structure démographique ainsi que dans l'économie et les services. Ces villes ont commencé, entre autres, à développer les différentes fonctions complémentaires (en particulier dans le domaine du commerce et dans certains services), adressées aux habitants de l'autre côté de la frontière.
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