Suchergebnisse

Diese von der südafrikanischen Wirtschaft, ausländischen Investoren und dem südafrikanischen Außenministerium finanzierte Hochglanzbroschüre versteht sich als Reader der Disinvestment-Kampagne. Neben Harry Oppenheimer, Bischof Desmond Tutu und dem amerikanischen Congress-Abgeordneten Stephen Solarz, kommen Industrielle, Wissenschaftler und Politiker aus Südafrika zu Wort

A review essay on books by (1) Barbara R. Bergmann In Defense of Affirmative Action (New York City: Basic Books, 1996); (2) John David Skrentny The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (IL: U of Chicago Press, 1996); (3) Carl Cohen Naked Racial Preference: The Case against Affirmative Action (Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1995); (4) Clint Bolick, The Affirmative Action Fraud: Can We Restore the American Civil Rights Vision? (Washington, DC: Cato Instit, 1996); & (5) Terry Eastland, Ending Affirmative Action: A Case Study for Colorblind Justice (New York City: Basic Books, 1996). Bergmann argues that affirmative action is necessary to combat racist & sexual discrimination present in the job market; however, her partisan employment of statistical support is questioned. It is suggested that Skrentny's reasoning is limited by his discussion of the effects of affirmative action solely on African Americans; consequently, issues of gender are ignored. Although his discussions of the US Supreme Court's decisions concerning affirmative action are interesting, Cohen's text is delineated as tediously repetitious & unconcerned with reality. Bolick's argument is questioned for not integrating his solutions for empowerment with affirmative action programs. Eastland is praised for addressing the tremendous scope of affirmative action in its penetration of US institutions & for discussing the changes in immigration policy with regard to affirmative action. J. W. Parker

Responds to comments by Paul Gottfried, Seth Farber, & David Ost (1996 [see abstracts 9716240, 9715636, 9715697, respectively]) on Murray's 1995 article (see abstract 9610062). It is argued that the 1964 Civil Rights Act was designed to end discrimination by implementing equal opportunity; therefore affirmative action legislation is viewed as contradictory -- promoting discrimination against Anglo Americans. Although Gottfried's contention that it is difficult to judge intentional discrimination is validated, it is argued that guidelines were created stipulating how intentional discrimination was not to be evaluated. Contrary to Farber's claim that racism & poverty cause crime in urban neighborhoods, it is argued that crime causes poverty; the ghettos of the Great Depression are offered as support for this argument. In reply to Ost, it is concluded that equal opportunity has paradoxically resulted in equal statistical results; further, Ost himself practices bad social science for not having read several of the author's texts that demonstrate his consistency in his sociopolitical theories. J. W. Parker

A response to David Ost (see SA 44:1/9600989), refuting Ost's argument that criticisms of affirmative action programs are cruel & cold. It is suggested that there may be basic intellectual differences between the races, caused by social, not genetic, factors that Ost & other liberals willfully ignore in their assumption that all groups are endowed with equal talent at all times. It is argued that federally sponsored special treatment of broad classes of groups ends in unequal treatment of individuals. This position is described as neither cruel nor cold, but only living up to the standards of justice written into the US Constitution. Ost is criticized for a brand of blind, arrogant liberalism that demands the right to judge when to treat some people equally & when not. D. M. Smith

A review essay on books by (1) Stephen Steinberg, Turning Back: The Retreat from Radical Justice in American Thought and Policy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995); (2) Todd Gitlin, The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America Is Wracked by Culture Wars (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1995); & (3) Dinesh D'Souza, The End of Racism: Principles for a Multiracial Society (New York: Free Press, 1995). It is argued that when liberal social scientists attribute the woes of blacks in the US to racism, they err; little racism exists, & most of what does is antiwhite. Steinberg's argument that affirmative action was a success & should be expanded is built on the premise that the only racism in the US that matters is that purportedly perpetrated by whites. Gitlin does slightly better by trying to reintroduce the common man & woman in the place of the person with a particular identity (eg, Native American, gay), but he ultimately contradicts himself by supporting affirmative action. D'Souza acknowledges antiwhite racism; however, his argument that the 1964 Civil Rights Act would inevitably provide preference for blacks is not quite right, as it was only a deliberate conspiracy in the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission that produced affirmative action. Cultural & genetic explanations of the relatively poorer performance of blacks in US are also discussed. H. von Rautenfeld

Der Autor gibt Eindrücke einer am 13.9.1985 in Sambia abgehaltenen Diskussionsrunde südafrikanischer Industrieller (u.a. Gavin Relly, Vorsitzender der Anglo-American-Cooperation) mit führenden Mitgliedern des 'African National Congress' (u.a. Oliver Tambo) und dem sambischen Präsident Kenneth Kaunda wieder. Die Gespräche haben deutlich gemacht, daß der ANC ein ernsthafter und wichtiger Gesprächspartner ist. (DÜI-Spe)

Der Friedensnobelpreisträger des Jahres 1984 bekräftigt seine Ansicht, daß innerhalb der kommenden zwei Jahre die wesentlichsten Elemente der Apartheid schrittweise abgeschafft werden sollten. In diesem Zusammenhang werden u.a. Tutus Gespräch mit US-Präsident Reagan und der Besuch des Senators Kennedy in der RSA behandelt