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Norwegian peace initiatives in Eritrea The Norwegian Model is defined as flexible cooperation between government authorities, NGOs and academia applying personal networks and informal settings. The model was coined as a concept in relation to the back-channel that led to the Oslo Accord in 1993. However, similar practices within Norwegian foreign policy were manifest in previous instances as well. Through a discussion of empirical data, this article argues that Norwegian mediation in regard to the Eritrean liberation struggle was a precursor to the Norwegian Model. Adapted from the source document.

Much of the research on the attrition of women in engineering has identified the existence of gender
bias and the disproportionate challenges women engineers face as the primary reasons women leave the profession. While noteworthy, researchers have not focused their investigations on why (and how) women who stay in the field do so. The present study utilized a positive psychology lens to explore factors that have supported career sustainability for women who have remained in the engineering field.
Phenomenological data analysis was used to examine interviews with 14 women in engineering. A
model of career sustainability was developed, which yielded six internal (psychological) and two external
(environmental) factors. Internal factors included navigating sexism, work attitudes and behavior,
stress management, self-concept, work-life-family balance, and interpersonal strategies. External
factors included social supports and workplace characteristics. This career sustainability model is
likely applicable to aspiring youth, students of engineering, early-career engineers, senior practicing
engineers, managers, and organizational leaders of all genders, as the engineers who participated in
the study provided inspiring, creative strategies and reflections about how they have thrived.

In current discourse on the political state of Mali and the country's recent coup in 2012, little attention is paid to the connection between former French colonial rule and Mali's ongoing national identity challenges. Specifically, are the motivations for the most recent coup in Mali and actions by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) a desire for ethnic/regional unification, or are both related to the continuing impact of Mali's colonial past? If the latter, what does it mean, then, for France to intervene under the premise of seeking to "restore order"? And will it ever be possible to satisfy all Malian ethnic groups, including those, such as the Kel Tamasheq, that call for a separate state? Relying on op-eds, newspaper articles, books, and other relevant literature, this paper will reflect upon Mali's political history and the legacy of ethnic/cultural identities. Additionally, it will address how former French colonial rule and the 1947 shift in Mali's borders impacted Mali as well as ethnic and national contestation within Mali. In other words, I will consider how the actions of the MNLA in the aftermath of the 2012 coup explain the above questions and shed light on the events surrounding Mali's recent coup and how they are linked to Mali's ongoing national identity development. Finally, the paper's conclusion will reflect upon whether or not the 2012 coup has created a stronger sense of Malian national identity and whether or not Mali will ever be able to become a completely united state.