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ObjectivesLatinos are the nation's largest minority group and will double in size by 2050. Their size coupled with the fact that Latinos do not constitute a separate race raises questions about Latinos' incorporation into the U.S. racial hierarchy. This article explores patterns of Latino racial identity formation, examining the determinants of racial identity.MethodsUsing the 2006 Latino National Survey, I estimate multinomial logit and ordered probit models of identification choices.ResultsLatino racial identity is strongly associated with several factors, including socioeconomic status, measures of perceived discrimination and commonality, and measures of acculturation/assimilation. Most Latinos have a broader, more complex understanding of race. Furthermore, some Latinos do believe that they occupy a unique position in the racial hierarchy.ConclusionsThe results suggest that the color line W. E. DuBois argued has long divided our nation may eventually shift.

Although prior research suggests that cultural identity is a strong determinant of Latino political behavior, few studies have examined the significance of racial self‐identification formation for Latinos and how it influences Latino political engagement. I analyze the 2004 Pew/Kaiser National Survey of Latinos using ordered probit and logit models. The data support previous research which shows that a growing number of Latinos are shifting their reported racial category from standard categories like "black" and "white" and are instead choosing to racially identify as "Latino" or "Hispanic." Furthermore, I find that political attitudes and behaviors are significantly related to Latino racial identity. The findings suggest that shifting racial identity in the Latino community has important implications for understanding Latino political engagement and future racial identification patterns in the United States more broadly.Aunque investigaciones previas sugieren que la identidad cultural es un fuerte determinante del comportamiento político Latino, pocos estudios han examinado la importancia de la formación de la auto‐identificación racial de los Latinos y cómo influye en el compromiso político Latino. Analizo la Encuesta Nacional Pew/Kaiser de 2004 utilizando modelos ordenados de probit y logit. La información confirma investigaciones previas que señalan que un número creciente de Latinos está cambiando su categoría racial reportada de categorías estándares como "negro" o "blanco" a "Latino" o "Hispano." Además, encuentro que las actitudes y comportamientos políticos están significativamente relacionados a la identidad racial Latina. En términos generales, las conclusiones demuestran que la identidad racial cambiante en la comunidad Latina tiene importantes implicaciones para comprender el compromiso y patrones futuros de identificación racial en los Estados Unidos.

Little empirical research has investigated the influence of racial identification on Latino vote choice. This article examines this relationship controlling for socioeconomic and demographic factors. I argue that because race is central in determining the life chances and social positions of groups in the United States, racial self-identification influences the Latino voter's decision to cast a ballot for a coethnic candidate over a non-Latino candidate. Ordered probit models show that race is a significant predictor of Latino vote choice. The findings raise interesting questions about Latino bloc voting, candidate preference, and participation more broadly.

Despite the importance of high-stakes tests in education policy, relatively little is known about opinion on this issue. We examine racial & socioeconomic differences in support for high-stakes testing. Given the achievement gaps between racial minorities & Whites & between the lower & higher status, it would be reasonable to expect that those whose children are most likely to do well on high-stakes tests would support the policy, whereas their counterparts would oppose them. However, these groups have different histories with & optimism about the public education system as well as different perceptions about how high-stakes tests will affect their children. We find that Latinos strongly support these measures, whereas African Americans & Whites oppose them primarily because African Americans are pessimistic about improving public schools & Whites are concerned about how resources will be redistributed. We also find that those of higher status are more likely to oppose high-stakes testing. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2009.]

Despite the importance of high-stakes tests in education policy, relatively little is known about opinion on this issue. We examine racial and socioeconomic differences in support for high-stakes testing. Given the achievement gaps between racial minorities and Whites and between the lower and higher status, it would be reasonable to expect that those whose children are most likely to do well on high-stakes tests would support the policy, whereas their counterparts would oppose them. However, these groups have different histories with and optimism about the public education system as well as different perceptions about how high-stakes tests will affect their children. We find that Latinos strongly support these measures, whereas African Americans and Whites oppose them primarily because African Americans are pessimistic about improving public schools and Whites are concerned about how resources will be redistributed. We also find that those of higher status are more likely to oppose high-stakes testing.

Previous research has demonstrated that the presence of a woman on the ballot is linked to political proselytizing among women. Yet this type of political engagement is enhanced when certain contextual conditions are met. We hypothesize that women are more likely to proselytize when female candidates stress women's issues than when female candidates do not emphasize women's issues. Using American National Election Study (ANES) data, we find that the combined effect of candidate gender and candidate issues is positively related to proselytizing among women. However, economic issues, not women's issues, increase women's attempts to influence others' votes. Overall, the results demonstrate that female candidates and their issues provide important contextual cues to women that help in activating their political voice.

The Internet has created a digital and a political divide. Just as the elderly, those less well educated, and some minorities are less likely to use the Internet than other Americans, candidates for lower-level offices are less likely to use it than presidential and congressional candidates. Beyond this, little is known about candidates' Internet use. Using data describing state legislative candidates' characteristics, campaigns, and districts, the authors find that candidates who have younger and better-educated constituents do more campaigning online. The number of years a candidate has spent in electoral politics also is relevant. The strategic and structural circumstances of the race have a major impact on candidates' Internet use.