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Intro -- Contents -- 1. Immigrants, Emigrants, and Their Homelands -- 2. Beyond Transnationalism -- 3. The Dialectic of Emigration and Immigration -- 4. Cross-Border Ties: Keeping and Losing the Connection -- 5. Engaging at Home from Abroad: The Paradox of Homeland Politics -- 6. Emigrants and Emigration States -- 7. Politics across Borders: Mexico and Its Emigrants -- 8. Hometown Blues: Migrants' Long-Distance Pursuit of Development -- 9. Conclusion: Foreign Detachment -- Notes -- References -- Acknowledgments -- Index.

AbstractThis paper leverages the repressive turn in U.S. migration policy to understand how a cross‐border perspective can illuminate the experiences of two different, but contemporaneous second‐generation populations: Those whose lives have unfurled in the United States, all the while growing up in internationalized families with ongoing homeland ties; and those whose childhoods began in the United States, but were disrupted as part of the 'Great Expulsion', and thus migrated to Mexico, albeit often with U.S. citizenship and almost always with cross‐border ties to family members still living in the United States. As the paper demonstrates, looking across borders highlights the importance of the territorial frontier and the continuing power of the national to undermine the forces that produce cross‐border connections.

International migration from poorer to richer states gives emigrants resources that they can use to exercise leverage over home states, but also leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and discrimination in host states, conditions that activate interventions by emigration states seeking to influence and protect nationals abroad. This paper traces the changing patterns of interaction between emigrants and emigration states over the past century and a half. Many of the underlying incentives for emigration state intervention have remained stable, yielding similar state responses over this entire period. By contrast, political changes in emigration states have altered the motivations of emigrants seeking to engage with the states and people left behind. Moreover, interactions between emigrants and emigration states are increasingly affected by international organizations and diffusion processes which, while present in earlier periods, lacked the influence exercised today.

Reacting to migrants' many, ongoing involvements with their home communities, sending states have increasingly adopted policies designed to resolve the problems of citizens living abroad and to respond to expatriates' search for engagement, doing so in ways that best meet home state leaders' goals. This paper seeks to understand the factors shaping this interaction between sending states and emigrants abroad by studying two contrasting aspects of the Mexican experience – expatriate voting, a relatively new development, and provision of the matrícula consular, a long-standing component of traditional consular services, though one that has recently been transformed. Focusing on the complex set of interactions linking migrants, sending states, and receiving states, the paper identifies the key differences and similarities between these two policies. Both policies suffered from a capacity deficit inherent in sending state efforts to connect with nationals living in a territory that the home country cannot control; both also generated conflict over membership and rights. Nonetheless, Mexico's efforts to resolve the immigrants' identification problems in the receiving society proved useful to millions; by contrast, a tiny proportion of emigrants took advantage of the first opportunity to vote from abroad. These diverging experiences demonstrate that sending states can exercise influence when intervening on the receiving society side, where the embeddedness of the immigrant population provides a source of leverage. By contrast, the search to re-engage the emigrants back home encounters greater difficulties and yields poorer results, as the emigrants' extra-territorial status impedes the effort to sustain the connection to the people and places left behind. In the end, the paper shows that extension to the territory 3of another state yields far more constraints than those found on home soil as well as unpredictable reactions from receiving states and their peoples, not to speak of nationals who no longer perceive the migrants as full members of the society they left.

International migration from poorer to richer states gives emigrants resources that they can use to exercise leverage over home states, but also leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and discrimination in host states, conditions that activate interventions by emigration states seeking to influence and protect nationals abroad. This paper traces the changing patterns of interaction between emigrants and emigration states over the past century and a half. Many of the underlying incentives for emigration state intervention have remained stable, yielding similar state responses over this entire period. By contrast, political changes in emigration states have altered the motivations of emigrants seeking to engage with the states and people left behind. Moreover, interactions between emigrants and emigration states are increasingly affected by international organizations and diffusion processes which, while present in earlier periods, lacked the influence exercised today.

To say international migration is to say cross-border connections: the ties linking sending and receiving countries are a salient aspect of the migration experience, appearing during present as well as past eras of migration. This article reviews the sociology of these cross-state ties and spillovers, typically associated with the literature on transnationalism. The article discusses the intellectual history of the transnational perspective on migration, offers a critical evaluation and then presents a different approach, designed to identify the mechanisms generating and attenuating cross-border connections across a range of activities. Focusing on the experience in the Americas, the article then turns to the empirical literature, synthesizing the results of research on cross-border social ties, homeland politics, and homeland spillovers. The last section suggests new avenues for future research.

This paper seeks to understand the politics of emigrants' home country engagements, with a particular focus on experiences in the United States. Long-distance emigrant politics, I argue, reflects the paradox of migration, which while inherently entailing mobility, is impelled by the unequal, territorial containment of resources, a feature of social life that both gives the migrants new found leverage over states and peoples left behindandconstrains their capacity to maintain cross-border connections. As I will show, the processes by which international migrations extend political ties across states collide with those that progressively bring migrants into the polities of the states on which they have converged; consequently, over the long term, the pursuit of emigrant politics turns into immigrant politics, embedding the former foreigners in the political life of the country where they actually reside.

The unending, global controversies over population movements across boundaries have spurred a burgeoning of migration scholarship, making it an exceptionally lively field. Though recent achievements are notable, significantly deepening our understanding of the phenomenon, migration scholarship has not reached its full potential. Its central handicap stems from the field's distinctive division of labor, with one literature situated at the point of origin studyingemigrationand the other at the point of destination studyingimmigration. This essay seeks to reorient migration scholarship away from the dichotomy between "here" and "there". Emphasizing the inherent, ongoing connections between home and host countries, the distinctively political nature of population movements across boundaries, and the continuing importance of the national interests and identities that impede migration, I argue that such a focus can illuminate the ways in which international migration is a dilemma for democratic societies worldwide, regardless of local peculiarities.

This paper seeks to develop a framework for analyzing the political sociology of emigration. The paper emphasizes the dualities at the heart of the migration phenomenon: immigrants are also emigrants, aliens are also citizens, foreigners are also nationals, non-members are also members. At once of the sending state, but not in it, the migrants are members whose everyday cross-border connections and ongoing needs draw the sending state across the borders; residing abroad, however, their claims to belonging are undermined by their presence on foreign soil. At once in the receiving state but not of it, the migrants can access the economic and political resources available in their new home, using them to gain leverage in the home left behind; yet as outsiders, their rights are circumscribed and their acceptance is uncertain, vulnerabilities that can be aggravated if continuing homeland involvement triggers the suspicion of receiving state nationals. Both conditions activate interventions by home states seeking to influence and protect nationals abroad. While extension to the territory of another state keeps options inherently limited, even limited engagements can inflame the passions of receiving state nationals, already anxious about the foreigners in their midst. ; Cet article vise à développer un cadre d'analyse de la sociologie politique de l'émigration. L'article met l'accent sur les dualités logées au coeur du phénomène migratoire : les immigrants sont aussi des émigrants, les étrangers au sens juridique sont aussi des citoyens, les étrangers au sens social sont aussi des nationaux, les exclus des sociétés de réception sont aussi les membres des sociétés d'origine. De la société émettrice, mais n'étant plus dans cette société, les migrants sont des membres dont les connexions transfrontalières et les besoins d'adaptation poussent l'État émetteur à s'élargir au-delà des frontières ; cependant, le fait de résider à l'étranger affaiblit leurs revendications d'appartenance. Dans la société de réception, mais ...

This paper seeks to develop a framework for analyzing the political sociology of emigration. The paper emphasizes the dualities at the heart of the migration phenomenon: immigrants are also emigrants, aliens are also citizens, foreigners are also nationals, non-members are also members. At once of the sending state, but not in it, the migrants are members whose everyday cross-border connections and ongoing needs draw the sending state across the borders; residing abroad, however, their claims to belonging are undermined by their presence on foreign soil. At once in the receiving state but not of it, the migrants can access the economic and political resources available in their new home, using them to gain leverage in the home left behind; yet as outsiders, their rights are circumscribed and their acceptance is uncertain, vulnerabilities that can be aggravated if continuing homeland involvement triggers the suspicion of receiving state nationals. Both conditions activate interventions by home states seeking to influence and protect nationals abroad. While extension to the territory of another state keeps options inherently limited, even limited engagements can inflame the passions of receiving state nationals, already anxious about the foreigners in their midst. ; Cet article vise à développer un cadre d'analyse de la sociologie politique de l'émigration. L'article met l'accent sur les dualités logées au coeur du phénomène migratoire : les immigrants sont aussi des émigrants, les étrangers au sens juridique sont aussi des citoyens, les étrangers au sens social sont aussi des nationaux, les exclus des sociétés de réception sont aussi les membres des sociétés d'origine. De la société émettrice, mais n'étant plus dans cette société, les migrants sont des membres dont les connexions transfrontalières et les besoins d'adaptation poussent l'État émetteur à s'élargir au-delà des frontières ; cependant, le fait de résider à l'étranger affaiblit leurs revendications d'appartenance. Dans la société de réception, mais ...

This article aims to develop a framework for analysing the political sociology of emigration. The article focuses on the dual nature of the migration phenomenon: immigrants are also emigrants, foreigners in the legal sense are also citizens, foreigners in the social sense are also nationals, the exclusion from receiving societies are also members of the societies of origin. Of the issuing company, but no longer in this society, migrants are members whose cross-border connections and adaptation needs lead the issuing state to expand across borders; however, living abroad weakens their claims to belong. In the receiving society, but not in that society, they have access to economic and political resources that enable them to exercise influence at home; on the other hand, as foreigners, their rights are limited and their acceptance uncertain, a vulnerability which may increase when continued engagement with the country of origin gives rise to suspicion on the part of the nationals of the receiving State. This variety of conditions triggers interventions by issuing states seeking to protect and influence nationals residing abroad, but also to respond to the demands of these citizens outside the country and channel them in order to better recover them. However, the extension to the territory of a foreign country paves the way for the exercise of power, be it despotic or infrastructural, allowing only the exercise of influence. In addition, even limited commitments run the risk of igniting the passions of nationals, which are already concerned about the presence of a foreign population among them. ; This paper seeks to develop a framework for analyzing the political sociology of emigration. The paper emphasizes the dualities at the heart of the migration phenomenon: immigrants are also emigrants, aliens are also citizens, foreigners are also nationals, non-members are also members. At once of the sending state, but not in it, the migrants are members whose everyday cross-border connections and ongoing needs draw the ...