Suchergebnisse

"This book examines the economic and social impacts of switching diplomatic relations from Taiwan to China, and vice versa and investigates how China achieves its foreign policy objective of dissuading Taiwan's diplomatic partners and other third parties from engaging with Taiwan. Highlighting critical the regions of Africa, Latin America and Caribbean and Oceania, where the diplomatic competition between Taiwan and China is fierce, the contributions to this book analyse China's promises of economic benefits, threats of economic coercion and the perils of its foreign aid to the countries in these regions in pursuit of its anti-Taiwan policy. In addition to the competition of formal diplomatic ties, it also examines how existing informal relations have influenced Taiwan's increasing interactions with Central and Eastern European countries. Finally, the book explores how Taiwan's advantage in technology sectors has successfully been translated into economic leverage for Taiwan's international diplomacy. Built upon the interdisciplinary expertise and collaborative efforts of 14 international scholars, this book will be a valuable resource to scholars and students of Taiwan studies, China studies and international relations"--

This book examines the economic and social impacts of switching diplomatic relations from Taiwan to China, and vice versa, and investigates how China achieves its foreign policy objective of dissuading Taiwan's diplomatic partners and other third parties from engaging with Taiwan.

Highlighting the critical regions of Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Oceania, where the diplomatic competition between Taiwan and China is fierce, the contributions to this book analyze China's promises of economic benefits, threats of economic coercion and the perils of its foreign aid to the countries in these regions in pursuit of its anti-Taiwan policy. In addition to the competition of formal diplomatic ties, it also examines how existing informal relations have influenced Taiwan's increasing interactions with Central and Eastern European countries. Finally, the book explores how Taiwan's advantage in technology sectors has successfully been translated into economic leverage for Taiwan's international diplomacy.

Built upon the interdisciplinary expertise and collaborative efforts of 14 international scholars, this book will be a valuable resource to scholars and students of Taiwan studies, China studies and international relations.

This book examines the economic and social impacts of switching diplomatic relations from Taiwan to China, and vice versa and investigates how China achieves its foreign policy objective of dissuading Taiwan's diplomatic partners and other third parties from engaging with Taiwan. Highlighting critical the regions of Africa, Latin America and Caribbean and Oceania, where the diplomatic competition between Taiwan and China is fierce, the contributions to this book analyse China's promises of economic benefits, threats of economic coercion and the perils of its foreign aid to the countries in these regions in pursuit of its anti-Taiwan policy. In addition to the competition of formal diplomatic ties, it also examines how existing informal relations have influenced Taiwan's increasing interactions with Central and Eastern European countries. Finally, the book explores how Taiwan's advantage in technology sectors has successfully been translated into economic leverage for Taiwan's international diplomacy.

Delving into export restrictive measures this book links the key areas of WTO law, public international law, investment and competition law to expose how and why WTO rules on export dimension are insufficient due to export bias; how public international law helps to justify their adoption or maintenance; and how investment and competition laws contribute to their regulation. Built on works on accession protocols and national security exceptions, this book goes beyond international trade law and looks into international political economy, competition and investment law. It contributes to debates in conceptualising public and private forms of export restrictions, appreciating the complementary nature of trade and competition law in disciplining them; capturing the dynamic between trade and investment policies for their effectuation and circumvention; and bridging trade law and public international law to better understand their impositions for political and diplomatic purposes with the invocation of the national security justification.

Preliminary Material -- Introduction: -- Efffective Judicial Review in External Trade Relations in the Greater China -- WTO Constitutionalism and its Contribution to Judicial Settlement of Trade Disputes in the Greater China -- Domestic Judicial Review in WTO Agreements -- Judging Judges: China's WTO Obligation to Provide an Independent and Impartial Judicial Review -- Twenty Years after Liberalisation: Is it Time for Taiwan's Courts to Face with Cross-Strait Trade? -- Trade Dispute Resolution between China and Taiwan: An Indirect Approach through Third Party Participation -- One Country, Two Systems, and Three Memberships: Trade Dispute Resolution Between China and Hong Kong and Macau -- Neither National Nor International: Trade Dispute Resolution between Taiwan and Hong Kong and Macau -- Conclusion and the Way Forward -- Bibliography -- Index.

This paper argues that the utopia of a borderless and interconnected cyberspace loses its charm and the global cyber order is witnessing a territorial turn. The proliferation of the notion of cyber sovereignty and its variances is a symptom reflecting sovereign states' attempt to retain autonomy and control gradually eroded with the digitalisation of societies and economies. The sovereignty fever can be attributed to four reasons: political ambition, economic value, security concerns, and human rights. However, sovereignty is not the last word in debates concerning the future of digital society, for even liberal democracies have advanced ideas of technological or digital sovereignty, and data sovereignty, for their own very different purposes.

Brexit reshapes not only the EU-UK relations but also impact their trade relations with Asia. This article explores possible directions of EU/UK trade relations with Asia, covering free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaty and the UK's potential participation in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This article argues that a sense of competitive liberalization motivates their pursuit for trade opportunities with East Asia. The EU has to prove its continuous relevance in the international economic relations as the Brexiters allege it as a constraint for the UK to pursue active and flexible trade relations. In contrast, the UK has to fulfill its promise of Global Britain by delivering measurable progress in trade negotiations instead of renegotiating back what it has already enjoyed under the EU free trade agreements (FTAs).
Brexit, Global Europe, Global Britain, Free Trade Agreement, Bilateral Investment Treaty, Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-pacific Partnership, populism, disintegration

Abstract
In the wake of the mega-free trade agreements, all of the 10 member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations are determined to participate in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and to maintain the centrality of the Association of South East Asian Nations whereas Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam have also opted for the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. In view of divergent positions of member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, this paper asks two questions: empirically, what drives individual member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations toward the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership; normatively, do the different positions embraced by member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations weaken the coherence of external relations of the Association of South East Asian Nations and undermine its centrality in Asian regionalism. I argued that Singapore's participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership is mainly motivated by its wish to set the rules of free trade agreements in the Asian Pacific. Brunel aims to diversify its domestic economy and to undergo economic reform through international commitments. Vietnam and Malaysia joined the Trans-Pacific Partnership with a view to accessing American market, but Vietnam's Trans-Pacific Partnership participation should also be understood in the context of its aggressive free trade agreements strategy. This paper argues that solidarity within member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations does not prevent economically advanced member countries from participating in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership for market access; nonetheless, the need of Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar should be taken into account through special and differential treatment in Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership negotiations.