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In 'The Subversive Seventies', Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies - often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful - are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe during the 1970s, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, Hardt argues that the movements of the 1970s identified and attempted to resolve the political problems that still face contemporary radical political thought and action.

The 1970s was a decade of "subversives". Faced with various progressive and revolutionary social movements, the forces of order – politicians, law enforcement, journalists, and conservative intellectuals – saw subversives everywhere. From indigenous peasant armies and gay liberation organizations, to anti-nuclear activists and Black liberation militants, subversives challenged authority, laid siege to the established order, and undermined time-honored ways of life. Every corner of the left was fertile ground for subversive elements, which the forces of order had to root out and destroy – a project they pursued with zeal and brutality. In this volume, Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies – often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful – are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. While many accounts of the 1970s have been written about the regimes of domination that emerged throughout the decade, Hardt approaches the subversive from the perspectives of those who sought to undermine the base of established authority and transform the fundamental structures of society. In so doing, he provides a novel account of the theoretical and practical projects of liberation that still speak to us today, too many of which have been all but forgotten. Departing from popular and scholarly accounts that focus on the social movements of the 1960s, Hardt argues that the 1970s offers an inspiring and useful guide for contemporary radical political thought and action. Although we can still learn much from the movements of the sixties, that decade's struggles for peace, justice, and freedom fundamentally marked the end of an era. The movements of the seventies, in contrast, responded directly to emerging neoliberal frameworks and other structures of power that continue to rule over us today. They identified and confronted political problems that remain central for us. The 1970s, in this sense, marks the beginning of our time. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, this book provides a reassessment of the political action of the 1970s that sheds new light not only on our revolutionary past but also on what liberation can be and do today.

In 'The Subversive Seventies', Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies - often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful - are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe during the 1970s, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, Hardt argues that the movements of the 1970s identified and attempted to resolve the political problems that still face contemporary radical political thought and action.

Inhalt; Vorwort: Die Menge wird zum Fürsten; Teil I Republik (und die Multitude der Armen); 1. Die Republik des Eigentums; Von einem neuerdings erhobenen apokalyptischen Ton in der Politik; Republikanisches Recht auf Eigentum; Sapere aude!; 2. Produktive Körper; Von der Marx'schen Kritik des Eigentums …; … zur Phänomenologie der Körper; Das Verschwinden der Körper im Fundamentalismus; 3. Die Multitude der Armen; Die Menge oder die Multitude: Die Bezeichnung der Armen; Wer hasst die Armen?; Armut und Macht; De corpore 1: Biopolitik als Ereignis

Critique has become the primary mode of practicing theory, at least theory conceived as a political intervention, and yet I sense today a growing dissafection with the political capacities of critique. The term critique, of course, covers a wide variety of practices: relatively generic means of fault finding, methods to question the truth of authority, techniques to reveal the figures of power that operate in dominant discourses or ideologies, and even the specific Kantian procedures of investigating the limits of human understanding, reason, or judgement. The differences among these modes of critique are significant, but all of them today face the charge that they are insufficient as political methods insofar as they lack the capacity both to transform the existing structures of power and to create alternative social arrangements. In the very last period of his life, Michel Foucault articulated as an alternative to critique a form of philosophical and political militancy that offers rich posibilities for theory now. ; La crítica se ha convertido en la principal forma de practicar la teoría, al menos aquella teoría concebida como intervención política. Sin embargo, percibo hoy en día una creciente insatisfacción con respecto a las posibilidades políticas de la crítica. Ciertamente, el término crítica abarca un amplio abanico de prácticas, como los medios relativamente genéricos para encontrar defectos, técnicas que revelan las figuras de poder que operan en los discursos dominantes y las ideologías e incluso los procesos kantianos específicos que investigan los límites del entendimiento humano, la razón o el juicio. Las diferencias existentes entre tales modos de la crítica son significativas, pero todos ellos enfrentan a día de hoy la acusación de que son insuficientes como métodos políticos en la medida en que carecen tanto de la capacidad de transformar tanto las estructuras de poder existentes como de crear acuerdos sociales alternativos. Durante el último periodo de su vida, Michel Foucault articuló como alternativa a la crítica una forma de militancia filosófica y política que brinda abundantes posibilidades para la teoría ahora.

Lauren Berlant and Baruch Spinoza both maintain that our ethical and political projects must be formulated and conducted on the terrain of the affects. Key to both projects is to recongize our power to be affected as not a weakness but a strength and to realize, without regret, that we are nonsovereign subjects. Only by working through the affects can we proceed on a path to liberation and joy. Adapted from the source document.