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Autocracy: An Invisible Dictatorship
In: NACLA Report on the Americas, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 86-88
ISSN: 2471-2620
Tools of Autocracy
In: Journal of democracy, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 42-46
ISSN: 1045-5736
Autocracy vs. Democracy
In: New perspectives quarterly: NPQ, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 12-15
ISSN: 1540-5842
In this age of confrontation, the secular Turkish model has been seen as a bridge between Islam and the West as well as the link between Europe and Asia. Now that model faces the most severe test in its history. How the current crisis is settled will frame future relations between Islam and the West no less than the events of 9/11.
Autocracy: An Invisible Dictatorship
In: NACLA Report on the Americas, Band 28, Heft 4, S. 26-27
ISSN: 2471-2620
Voting Against Autocracy
In: World politics: a quarterly journal of international relations, Band 75, Heft 4, S. 647-691
ISSN: 1086-3338
abstract: When and how do voters punish politicians for subverting democracy? To investigate the role of the public in democratic backsliding, I develop a conceptual framework that differentiates among three mechanisms: vote switching, backlash, and disengagement. The first mechanism entails defection by voters from a candidate who undermines democracy to one who does not; the latter two mechanisms entail transitions between voting and abstention. I estimate the magnitude of each mechanism by combining evidence from a series of original survey experiments, traditional surveys, and a quasi-experiment afforded by the rerun of the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election, in which the governing party, akp, attempted to overturn the result of an election that it had lost. I find that although vote switching and backlash contributed to the akp's eventual defeat the most, each of the three mechanisms served as a democratic check in some subset of the Istanbul electorate. Persuasion, mobilization, and even demobilization are all viable tools for curbing the authoritarian tendencies of elected politicians.
Toward Developmental Autocracy
In: Nation Building in South Korea, S. 101-126
Madagascar: legitimizing autocracy
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 100, Heft 646, S. 226-231
ISSN: 0011-3530
World Affairs Online
Autocracy and Revolution
In: Canadian Slavonic papers: an interdisciplinary journal devoted to Central and Eastern Europe, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 87-89
ISSN: 2375-2475
Pakistan's Constitutional Autocracy
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 365
ISSN: 1715-3379
Pakistan's Constitutional Autocracy
In: Pacific affairs, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 365
ISSN: 0030-851X
Costly signaling in autocracy
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, S. 1-21
ISSN: 1547-7444
SSRN
CAUSES AUTOCRACY IN RUSSIA
This paper analyzes the causes of the existing Russian autocratic management system. The analysis is based on a Marxist materialist conception of history, expressed postulates "politics is the concentrated expression of economics" and "social existence determines the consciousness of men". The social existence of stable autocratic form of government in modern Russia is due corresponding to this form of government economic base.
BASE
Costly signaling in autocracy
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 612-632
ISSN: 1547-7444
Those who would revolt against an autocrat often face a dilemma caused by uncertainty: they would like to revolt if the ruler would respond with democratization, but they would prefer to concede if the ruler would choose instead to violently suppress the revolution. Consequently, the autocrat must decide how to best signal his willingness to use violence in hope of deterring revolt. Using a simple signaling model, we find that rulers cannot meaningfully convey their type by transferring wealth to the citizenry. However, they can convey their type through shows of force, as long as the strong type of autocrat – who would use violent repression in the case of revolution – has a competitive advantage in displaying his strength. We additionally demonstrate that rulers favor shows of force when their willingness to suppress revolution is questioned and that citizens at times prefer to pay the direct cost of shows of force to learn about the ruler's type, rather than to remain uninformed. The results illustrate a more general result in costly signaling models: information transmission is only possible when the cost of the signal is smaller for the type that wants to distinguish himself.
World Affairs Online