Suchergebnisse

International audience ; The Italian edition of the Nouvelle Géographie Universelle isn't completely faithful to original text, because its translator and editor Attilio Brunialti, geographer, jurist, politician belonging to Depretis' party, and very engaged for Italian colonialism, adds two volumes about Italy completely written by him, although all the work remains signed by the name Eliseo Reclus. Crossing the two texts about Italy, we discover two perspectives, similar by some aspects, but very different by many others, about geography, society and politics of the young Italian nation during the Age of the Empires. ; L'édition italienne de la Nouvelle Géographie Universelle n'est pas du tout fidèle au texte original, parce que le traducteur et directeur de la publication Attilio Brunialti, géographe, juriste, politicien du parti de Depretis, fort engagé en faveur du colonialisme italien, y ajoute deux volumes consacrés à l'Italie entièrement de sa plume, bien que toute l'œuvre reste signée du nom Eliseo Reclus. En croisant les deux textes sur l'Italie, on découvre deux visions, semblables par certains aspects, mais très différentes par beaucoup d'autres, de la géographie, de la société et de la politique de la jeune nation italienne pendant l'Âge des Empires.

International audience ; The Italian edition of the Nouvelle Géographie Universelle isn't completely faithful to original text, because its translator and editor Attilio Brunialti, geographer, jurist, politician belonging to Depretis' party, and very engaged for Italian colonialism, adds two volumes about Italy completely written by him, although all the work remains signed by the name Eliseo Reclus. Crossing the two texts about Italy, we discover two perspectives, similar by some aspects, but very different by many others, about geography, society and politics of the young Italian nation during the Age of the Empires. ; L'édition italienne de la Nouvelle Géographie Universelle n'est pas du tout fidèle au texte original, parce que le traducteur et directeur de la publication Attilio Brunialti, géographe, juriste, politicien du parti de Depretis, fort engagé en faveur du colonialisme italien, y ajoute deux volumes consacrés à l'Italie entièrement de sa plume, bien que toute l'œuvre reste signée du nom Eliseo Reclus. En croisant les deux textes sur l'Italie, on découvre deux visions, semblables par certains aspects, mais très différentes par beaucoup d'autres, de la géographie, de la société et de la politique de la jeune nation italienne pendant l'Âge des Empires.

This paper explores the connections between colonialism and development in order to understand more clearly how discourses on North-South relations continue to be imbued with the imperial representations that preceded them. Beginning with a concern to examine how anti-racism can inform our understanding of the spaces of international development, the paper interrogates the colonial heritage of development studies and related disciplines and speculates on the possibility and necessity of disciplinary decolonization. Using the specific example of Portuguese imperial discourses of development in the 1950s and the 1960s, and the emergence of the heavily racialized 'science' of Lusotropicalism, the paper then examines the importance of deconstruction as a way of understanding the différance between colonialism and development in the Lusophone empire. The paper goes on to examine the particular example of postcolonial Mozambique, exploring the ways in which, between 1975 and 1988, Mozambicans struggled to acknowledge and deal with racism in postcolonial society, particularly in the context of Mozambique's growing relationship with the World Bank in the mid-1980s. The paper concludes by suggesting that a more direct focus on 'overdevelopment' rather than just 'underdevelopment' may be one important (if neglected) way forward in ending the silences around 'race' and racism in development studies.

As part of a larger effort to reflect critically on the nature, scope,
and processes of colonialism in Oceania, decolonizing the field of
Pacific studies must focus on the impact of colonialism on people's
minds—particularly on their ways of knowing, their views of who
and what they are, and what they consider worthwhile to teachand to
learn. It is essential to challenge the dominance of western philosophy,
content, and pedagogy in the lives and the education of Pacific peoples,
and to reclaim indigenous Oceanic perspectives, knowledge, and wisdom
that have been devalued or suppressed. Modern scholars and writers
must examine the western disciplinary frameworks within which they
have been schooled, as well as the ideas and images of the Pacific they
have inherited, in order to move beyond them. The curricula of formal
education, particularly higher education, should include indigenous
Oceanic knowledge, worldviews, and philosophies of teaching and learning,
for several reasons: to contribute to and expand the general knowledge
base of higher education; to make university study more meaningful for
many students; to validate and legitimize academic work, particularly
in the eyes of indigenous peoples; and to enhance collaboration between
indigenous and nonindigenous peoples.

Dr. Catherine Harper reviews Narelle Jubelin's Constance Howard Memorial Lecture at Goldsmiths College, University of London, November 2001. She discusses Jubelin's deliberate and seductive use of the traditions of petit point embroidery in relation to her examination of colonialism, consumption, and identity. Textile means have been used by a range of female visual practitioners to examine, for example, women's historical and contemporary oppression within the domestic or industrial economy; within specific cultures and geographies; within fashion; within medical practices; as well as to make contemporary pictorial and design representations of non-traditional subject matter. Narelle Jubelin requires in her practice that we consider the construction of exclusive national identities, contemporary manifestations of historical colonialism, the politics of geographical exploration, systems of commerce, imperialism and global trade, and the relational exchanges of art and culture. And she makes these huge abstract issues unavoidable for us by rendering them small, intimate, engaging, and via the apparently innocuous craft of petit point embroidery. She makes us take heed of that which we may not wish to encounter, that which might make us uncomfortable, that which might implicate us in systems of desire and economy less savory than we might hope.

The significance of colonialism and decolonization for the dawning of European integration and their subsequent bearing on notions of European identity still constitute a largely unexplored field within research. In seeking to problematize and amend this state of things, this article embarks on charting a set of historical developments which provide a case for arguing that theoretical and empirical studies on the nexus of European integration and European identity need to pay much closer attention to questions pertaining to colonialism and decolonization. As such, the article seeks to offer a glimpse of what it takes to be a critical background against which scholarly debates on contemporary notions of European identity need to be considered. Such an approach, it is suggested, should be of particular value for research trying to come to terms with Brussels' current endeavour to foster a collective sense of European identity in the Union. In expanding on this exact point, the article also broaches the question concerning all those `non-European' territories in Africa, South America and elsewhere that are incorporated into the present-day European Union, but which, nevertheless, hardly ever surface as such in studies on the EU and its politics of European identity.

Rashid Khalidi sets out to study the emergence of Palestinian nationalism at the dawn of the 20th century. He explores the early cultural beginnings of Palestinian identity, which precede the encounter with Zionism, and studies the different developments of Palestinian identity in light of that encounter. Whereas a large number of accounts stress that Palestinian identity developed exclusively as a result of the encounter with colonial Zionism, Khalidi sets the record straight. In line with predominant theories of nationalism, Khalidi demonstrates that national identities are defined in relation to an other. Palestine identity, which as early as 1701 manifested itself against a hostile European Christianity, remained Jerusalem-centered until the beginning of the 20th century. That is when a modern Palestinian nationalism was emerging, before the encounter with British colonialism and Zionist settler colonialism changed the configuration of both the Palestinian self and its other. Khalidi charts the changes in the forms of knowledge that the Palestinian intelligentsia was acquiring in the course of the 19th and early 20th centuries, noting the shift from Islamic studies to modern social science and the humanities. Through an inventory of Palestinian libraries, Khalidi carefully chronicles these changes in forms of knowledge, correlating them with the new and emerging political ideas in the country.

In the past fifteen years much has changed respecting the representation of Aboriginal women in feminist scholarship. The emergence of Aboriginal women's scholarship in law, education, and literature has had a major and much overdue impact on our understanding of their history and their scholarly and political agendas. A review of the literature by, for, and about Aboriginal women in the areas of history, law, education, health, and literature reveals new trends in interdisciplinarity within feminist studies of colonialism, representation, "voice," and issues of equality and empowerment. ; Au cours des quinze dernieres annees bien des choses ont change en ce qui concerne la representation des femmes autochtones dans le savoir feministe en. L'emergence du savoir des femmes autochtones en droit, en education, et en litteraturea eu un impact important sinon tardif sur notre comprehension de leur histoire et de leur ordre du jour erudit et politique Une revue de la litterature par, pour et au sujet des femmes autochtones dans le domaine de I'histoire, du droit, de I'education, de la sante et de la litterature revele de nouvelles tendances interdisciplinaires a l'interieur des etudes feministes sur le colonialisme, la representation, la "voix", et les questions d'egalite et d'emancipation.

AbstractThis paper locates the Eurasian community's reconciliatory politics in an age marked by a proclivity for primordial purity within complex political, social and economic sub-systems. The word "Eurasian" has both old and new connotations; "old" because of primordial accents of physically "observable" biological mixture, and "difference"; and "new" because of cultural origins in the early to mid-sixteenth century. This paper concentrates on Eurasians in Singapore after 1945. Eurasians are the architects, objects, and subjects of a hybrid culture, a momentary reminder of a formerly powerful colonial presence in Southeast Asia. Since the early sixteenth century Eurasians have been transformed by the impact of at least three different phases of Western colonialism, and since 1955, two ongoing phases of internal colonialism by a predominantly Malay state in Malay[si]a, and a migrant, Chinese-dominated State in Singapore. Eurasians in Malaysia and Singapore survive as a fringe community: a politically, and demographically marginal community that has existed and continues to exist on the fringe of the modern Malay world, subjected through the years to the state policies of the Portuguese, Dutch, British, Malay, and Singapore governments, yet managing to preserve their culture of "Eurasianess" through a strategy of reconciliatory politics in late modernity.

Les développements sur l'identité ethnique des Inuit et sur les origines historiques de la dépendance dans le Nord canadien ne fournissent pas de théorie capable de rendre compte des différences dans l'intégration des Inuit au Labrador, dans la partie artique du Québec. Nous y sommes parvenus à la suite de notre analyse, en évaluant la validité d'un type de colonialisme interne pour le Nord canadien, qui poserait a priori l'existence d'une division ethnique du travail. Cette théorie s'appuie sur des données fournies surtout par le recensement. Celles‐ci se regroupent autour des modes de participation de la population active Inuit, le maintien de l'identité et la survie de la langue.Discussions of Inuit ethnic identity and of the historical origins of dependency in the Canadian North often fall short of an adequate theory capable of explaining the varying patterns of Inuit integration in Labrador, Arctic Quebec, and the eastern and western Northwest Territories. Our analysis does this by evaluating the validity of an internal colonialism model for the Canadian North, which posits the existence of a cultural division of labour. Data to support this contention are drawn largely from census material. The data focus is on patterns of Inuit labour force participation, identity maintenance and language retention.

Abstract
Notwithstanding Gramsci or Foucault, there remains a tendency, in historical sociology, to explain processes of domination in terms of political and economic forces. In the study of state formation and imperialism, realpolitik is given precedence over ritual, material factors over the moral suasion of the sign. Yet European colonialism was also a cultural project. In Southern Africa, nonconformist missions, the vanguards of empire, conjured up new maps, new systems of relations, new notions of time, production and personhood. From their very first encounters with native communities, it is argued, they sowed the state of colonialism on which the colonial state ‐ and a more enduring condition of dependency ‐ was founded.About sunset the king, attended by his brothers and a few more persons, came to our tent…I said that I had brought a small present for him, as a token of friendship—while opening it he remained silent, not moving even his head, only his eyes towards the parcel. I then took from it a gilded copper comb and put it into his hair, and tied a silver spangled band and tassel round his head, and a chain about his neck, and last of all presented him with a looking glass…

Along with the US, France remains among the most impacted Western countries by Islamist terrorism. To explain radicalization in the French context, researchers have emphasized the country's specificities such as colonialism and secularism (i.e. "Laïcité") as risk factors. This "French connection" thesis (FCT) proposes that France experiences abnormally high radicalization rates among its Muslim population due to a radical form of State secularism, specific approach to colonialism ("assimilationist"), and the socio-educational disparities affecting French Muslims. For the first time, we propose to closely examine FCT in light of current empirical research on the determinants of radicalization. First, we demonstrate that FCT relies on a flawed premise: domestic radicalization in France is average relative to comparable liberal democracies. We then show that FCT is not in line with current social-psychological knowledge of the determinants of radicalization (e.g. education, socio-economic disparities) and relies on conflations between confounded societal risk factors (e.g. "radical" secularism as a correlate of far-right ideology). As an alternative to FCT, we conclude that structural discrimination and the recent surge in far-right and Islamist ideologies better account for domestic radicalization in France. We also propose that French historical secularism and colorblind values may actually constitute protective factors to be further investigated.

This chapter explores how the rule of law can support
emergent legislative proposals in a handful of jurisdictions
around the world to curtail intensive animal farming. Part
1 reviews the global emergence of these legislative
proposals to date and identifies their common features or
themes, as well as their limited success. Part 2 then
discusses the pliability of the rule of law to serve as an
agent of social change in general as well as in the realm of
intensive farming. It explains how the rule of law can be a
persuasive discursive legal tool in generating actual legal
regulation to address social problems such as intensive
farming and connects the analysis to broader questions
regarding norm development in international law. Drawing
on posthuman feminist theory, the chapter contributes to
the growing field of global animal law that explores animal
law issues through international law and transnational law
frameworks, by highlighting the potential of the rule of law
to challenge the legitimacy of at least some forms or
portion of animal-based food systems. The chapter seeks to
add to the developing conversation as to how to supplant
existing anthropocentric legal norms through innovative
deployment of new legal arguments in favor of animals.

This chapter thinks through international law and
posthuman theory by way of an example of 'posthumanist
commoning'. It explores the posthumanist and the
commoning dimensions of the legal and political collective
actions at hand. It does so by telling the story of the
'insurgent lake' of Rome – the 'lago bullicante'. Bullicante
is an archaic Italian term that signifies both 'to boil'
(bollire) and 'to get agitated' (agitarsi). The 'lake that boils
and gets agitated' refers to the artificial/natural lake that
was accidentally created in 1992, when an underground
parking lot was illegally constructed and inadvertently hit
an aquifer, thereby flooding the construction site and
nearby area, creating a one-hectare large lake in the heart
of the city. With the lake, an insurgent political subjectivity
emerged to resist and care for its preservation. Both the
subjectivity and the struggle are articulated and practiced
in non-liberal, non-individualistic, and in-human (or more
and less than 'human') terms, thereby giving rise to a
distinctive mode of 'becoming common'. Drawing on the
lago bullicante, I argue that this mode of 'posthumanist
commoning' enacts particular practices of ecological
resistance, refusal, and reparation. The transversal
alliances forged within networks of transnational resisting
collectives help exploring how posthuman theory can
inform international law. It does so by availing methods of
reconfiguring the categories of the human, the land, and
its living ecology, while also revealing critical blind-spots
and methodological/conceptual limitations of both
posthuman theory and international law.