Suchergebnisse

Peacebuilding -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Part I Introduction -- 1 The Twenty Years' Crisis -- Introduction -- The End of Peacebuilding -- The 'Hubris' of Liberal Peacebuilding -- The Pragmatic Apologia -- The Return of Realism -- The Contents of the Book -- 2 The Pragmatic Critique -- Introduction -- The 'Political' Critique -- The Emergence of 'Pragmatist' Critique -- A 'Critical' Consensus? -- International Peacebuilding and the Critique of Liberalism -- Too Liberal? -- Beyond the Critique of the Liberal Peacebuilding? -- Conclusion -- Part II The Rise of Peacebuilding -- 3 The Birth of a Mission -- Introduction -- The Critique of the Realist Paradigm -- The Implications for Sovereignty and Intervention -- The Reform of Peace Operations -- Peace Negotiations -- Peacekeeping -- Peacebuilding -- The Case of Bosnia -- Conclusion -- 4 Peacebuilding as Statebuilding -- Introduction -- From Peacebuilding Protectorates to Statebuilding -- States Without Sovereignty -- Sovereignty as Capacity? -- Sovereignty as Responsibility? -- International Legal Sovereignty? -- Phantom States and Fragile Empires -- Conclusion -- Part III The Peacebuilding Impasse -- 5 Civil Society Building -- Introduction -- Building Civil Society -- Targeting -- Developing a Peacebuilding Agenda -- The Voice of Civil Society -- The Limits of Civil Society Development -- International Regulation and Civil Society Development -- Civil Society and Democracy -- Conclusions -- 6 The Institutionalist Approach -- Introduction -- The Lessons of Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 'The Rule of Law' and Political Representation -- The Law on Property Return -- Law on Employment in Public Institutions -- The 'Rule of Law'? -- Conclusion -- Part IV Beyond Peacebuilding -- 7 The Turn to the Local -- Introduction -- The Barriers of Non-Linearity and Hybridity -- The Discovery of the 'Local'

Besides the problems suffered by young people throughout the world, such as unemployment & the generation gap, & the particular problems of Latin American youth, who are joining together in order to overthrow dictatorships & fighting for democracy, the youth in Central America also face the militarization of societies & war. The debate among social scientists about the Central American conflict is presented. In the US, it is believed that the crisis originated from the Soviet & Cuban interventions. The Latin-American view is that the crisis is the product of delay & unfair political & social structures. It is argued that the social struggles in Central America are a product of the intolerant dictatorial governments that existed in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, & Nicaragua, & that the only solution is to incorporate youth in the fight against important social problems. The solution to Central American crisis has to be based on stopping the armament race; the only way to reach peace is the signing of the Contadora Act. 2 Tables, 2 Photographs. Modified AA

The COVID-19 crisis, which has sent economies in South Asia and around the world into a deep recession, has highlighted South Asia's rising debt levels and sizable hidden liabilities. State-owned enterprises, state-owned commercial banks, and public-private partnerships have been at the center of the rising debt wave and the latest pandemic response. Historically, South Asia has relied on these direct public interventions more than other regions. The interventions have helped governments tackle key development challenges and rapidly deliver relief measures during crises. However, because of their inefficiencies and weak governance, the interventions are also a significant source of public indebtedness and macrofinancial risks. Hidden Debt examines the trade-off between tackling development challenges through direct state presence in the market and avoiding unsustainable debt due to economic inefficiencies of such off–balance sheet operations, which greatly leverage public capital. The study recommends a reform agenda based on the four interrelated principles of purpose, incentives, transparency, and accountability (PITA). The reforms can mitigate the risks that off–balance sheet operations will become the source of the next financial crisis in South Asia.

In dem Beitrag werden die geopolitischen, energiewirtschaftlichenund militärischen Folgen des Tschetschenien-Kriegs auf das "nahe Ausland" untersucht. Darüber hinaus werden die offiziellen undinoffiziellen Reaktionen in der Ukraine, Modawien, Belarus, dendrei baltischen Staaten, den zentralasiatischen Republiken und imTranskaukasus auf diesen bewaffneten Konflikt dargestellt. (BIOst-Mrk)

Kritische Lebensereignisse und krisenhafte Erfahrungen gibt es nicht nur im Erwachsenenalter (vgl. hierzu die Untersuchung von Sigrun-Heide Filipp: ID-G 4/10); auch Kinder und Jugendliche erfahren besondere Belastungen und Krisen, die Wirkungen bis ins Erwachsenenalter haben können, etwa wenn sie Opfer von Missbrauch oder Misshandlung werden oder wenn sich ihre Eltern trennen bzw. scheiden lassen. Der Band erläutert aus entwicklungspsychologischer Sicht die theoretischen Grundlagen sowie die Grundprinzipien einer professionellen Krisenintervention. Dann geht er speziellen Krisensituationen im Einzelnen nach; dabei werden auch dazugehörige Interventionskonzepte vorgestellt, die sich bei der Bewältigung der jeweiligen Krise bewährt haben. In 1. Linie für ein Fachpublikum; darüber hinaus aber auch sehr weiterführend für jeden Interessierten, der einem Kind oder Jugendlichen in einer Krisensituation altersgerechte und professionelle praktische Hilfen geben will oder muss. (2 S)

Cover -- Praise for "How Latin America Weathered the Global Financial Crisis -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- List of Board of Directors -- Acknowledgments -- Map -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Latin America from a Global Perspective -- Latin America Compared with Other Emerging-MarketEconomies -- Was This Crisis Different for Latin America? -- What Explains Latin America's Resilience? -- Overview of the Book -- Chapter 2 A Favorable International Environment and Effective Monetary and Fiscal Policies -- Good Luck and Terms of Trade -- Controlling Inflation -- Inflation Targeting -- Progress on the Fiscal Front -- Policy Responses during the Global Financial Crisis -- Final Remarks -- Chapter 3 Exchange Rates and International Reserves -- Exchange Rates, Fear of Floating, and Evidence during Crises -- Exchange Rate Pass-Through, Credibility, and Duration ofMisalignments -- Does Low Pass-Through Impair Real Adjustment? -- International Reserves and Exchange Rate Interventions -- International Reserves during the Global Financial Crisis -- Concluding Remarks: Exchange Rates and Global Adjustment -- Chapter 4 Financial Stability -- Causes of the Crisis: Monetary Policy or Financial Fragility? -- Asset Prices, Inflation Targets, and Bubbles in Emerging Markets -- Exchange Rate Volatility and Financial Stability -- Central Banks and Financial Stability -- Interactions between Financial Stability and Price Stability -- Latin American Banks and the Financial Crisis -- Concluding Remarks -- Chapter 5 Capital Flows -- Capital Flows, Current Account, and Exchange Rate: TheBasics -- Capital Inflows and Accumulation of Reserves -- Surges of Capital Inflows -- Gross Flows and Financial Stability -- Capital Controls -- Concluding Remarks -- Appendix 5A -- Chapter 6 From Macroeconomic Policies to Long-Term Growth -- Inequality and Institutions.

Over the past two decades, the United Nations Security Council has responded more strongly to some humanitarian crises than to others. This variation in Security Council action raises the important question of what factors motivate United Nations intervention. This article offers a configurational explanation of selective Security Council intervention that integrates explanatory variables from different theories of third-party intervention. These variables are tested through a comparison of 31 humanitarian crises (1991–2004) using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. The analysis shows that a large extent of human suffering and substantial previous involvement in a crisis by international institutions are the key explanatory conditions for coercive Security Council action, but only when combined with negative spillover effects to neighboring countries (path 1) or with low capabilities of the target state (path 2). These results are highly consistent and explain 85% of Security Council interventions after the end of the Cold War. The findings suggest that the Council's response to humanitarian crises is not random, but follows specific patterns that are indicated by a limited number of causal paths.

Often as foreign policy may be the subject of partisan discussion in modern democracies, important international commitments are usually made only with support, or the expectation of support, from the great bulk of the political community. This has surely been the ordinary American and British pattern, labeled bi-partisan, non-partisan, or extra-partisan. We assume that political support extending well beyond the ranks of the party in office is essential for a successful foreign policy, and especially for a substantial military venture. Even the American decision to defend South Korea, while it was necessarily made by the Democratic administration before any apparent political consensus and while it eventually involved the United States in an unpopular war, was never in itself a partisan policy which Republicans as a group refused to support. The one outstanding recent instance of a truly partisan foreign policy is Britain's Suez action of 1956. As the significant deviant case, it provides useful insights into the process by which an alternative to the usual bi-partisan arrangement is developed and conducted. Specific questions concern the making of the Suez intervention decision, the nature of parliamentary support for this decision, the role of party loyalty in maintaining such support, and the significance of partisan opposition.

The 2007–2009 financial crisis that evolved from various factors including the housing boom, aggressive lending activity, financial innovation, and increased access to money and capital markets prompted unprecedented U.S. government intervention in the financial sector. We examine changes in banks' balance sheet composition associated with U.S. government intervention during the crisis. We find that the initial round of quantitative easing positively impacts bank liquidity across all bank samples. Our results show a positive impact of repurchase agreement market rates on bank liquidity for small and medium banks. We conclude that banks have become more liquid in the post-crisis period, especially the larger banks (large and money center banks). We show that real estate loan portfolio exposures have reverted to pre-crisis levels for money center banks and remained flat for all other bank samples.

Conflict prevail when there is the absence of peace. African countries probably get the worst representation globally with the exception of Syria when it comes to conflicts and violence in the continent. Seemingly, every story emanating from the continent project one atrocity or another. Despite the shouldering of the larger share of the world's conflict, Africa has relatively become more peaceful as well, however in Nigeria, the Boko Haram insurgence in the north is another epicentre. This paper centres on the intervention besides collaborative determination of ECOWAS – AU in mediating peace, and the peacebuilding mechanisms in resolving states conflicts, and to strengthen democracy in West Africa, with the case of Côte d'Ivoire. The organizations' efforts in the Ivorian case reflect discourses and the dynamics of the operations of an effective regional organization, and the international community in addressing conflicts. The collaborative theory was embraced to put things inappropriate perception. Findings show that the implementation of the Contrivance and the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance by ECOWAS were better prepared to meet challenges related to peace and security in the region. This paper concludes and recommends that organisations who mediate peace in any conflict zone must first understand the cause of the conflict, thereafter timely intervene, and take common positions in applying different mechanisms to prevent, manage and resolve conflicts. It is recommended that to prevent violence and human rights abuses in crisis situations, the organisations of ECOWAS and AU, and particularly SADC should improve interventions procedure.

Introduction : the responsibility of knowledge, challenges and responses -- The changing world and the Greek economy before the crisis -- The pre-crisis growth of the Greek economy -- The question of growth -- Human capital : education, innovation and health -- Cultural values, stereotypes and historical evolution -- Idiosyncratic economic institutions -- Political institutions and the distribution of income -- Human incentives -- The 2008-2010 crisis and the European stability mechanism -- The deper causes of the Greek economic and social problems -- The Greek economy and the crisis -- The effectiveness of economic adjustment interventions -- The medium-long term outlook of the Greek economy -- Appendix : A sectoral proposal for potential growth in the Greek economy, climate change, population ageing, tourism and culture