Suchergebnisse

Цель. Осмыслить феномен духовности общества в связи с человеческой сущностью как «трансценденцией», свободой в условиях глобализации социальной деятельности. Предложить идею мировоззренческой космо-теоцентрической парадигмы, основанной на принципе «метафизической ответственности» человека как «трансцендентного проекта». В связи с поставленной целью на уровне общефилософского синтеза выделить особенность онтологического положения человека в бытии как творца культуры и указать на его служебную роль в универсуме, исполнение которой автор считает основной духовной функцией человеческого сообщества. Обосновать ограниченность антропо-социоцентризма как принципа мировоззрения современного цивилизованного общества, в котором человек служит самому себе. Дать анализ понятия обусловленности индивидов и узости их смысловых интенций в круге целей и интересов цивилизационного развития. Выделить возросшее значение духовного авторитета, мудреца в современном обществе, указать на важность гармонического ансамбля душевных качеств личности, сочетающихся на основе сбалансированной дополнительности познавательного, эстетического, морального, религиозного отношений к действительности. Методология. Характер методологического подхода к исследованию феномена духовности автор связывает с принципом экзистенциального единства элементов телесно-духовной организации человека – разума, переживания, воли, веры. Такой подход предполагает учѐт не только факторов объективной детерминации форм и тенденций человеческого существования, но и включение ценностного, смыслового, мировоззренческого полагания в культуру на партикулярном и универсальном уровнях. Воссоздавая космо-теоцентрическую конструкцию вектора развития общества в направлении духовности, автор исходил также из априорно принимаемой им очевидности особого положения человека в бытии как «проекта Трансцендентного» с «метафизическим долженствованием». Научная новизна. Проблема духовного мироотношения человека в истории культуры, так или иначе, является сквозной, архетипической. В современных условиях, однако, при глобализации человеческой жизнедеятельности, она приобретает особую остроту, хотя в массовом обществе она почти не замечается или воспринимается как некое ювелирное украшение культуры личности. От того, насколько общество овладеет духовным, космо-теоцентрическим мировоззрением, зависит практическое выживание человечества, судьба цивилизации, а в метафизическом смысле возможность реализации человека в качестве онтологически заданного духовного существа. Связывая размышление о духовности человека с априорной онтологической предпосылкой его положения в бытии как трансценденции, автор придаѐт философствованию спекулятивный характер, поскольку, если бы он исходил их эмпирических оснований и двигался аналитическим путѐм, таяли бы его вера и надежда на духовную реализацию человечества. Выводы. Переход современного цивилизованного общества к космо-теоцентрической парадигме мировоззрения подготовлен противоречиями его технологического и культурного развития. В условиях возрастания силы сознательного влияния общества на самого себя многое в реализации этого процесса зависит от духовного направления деятельности людей в сфере культуры и душевных качеств субъектов культурной деятельности, которые идеально обрисованы в статье как мудрецы, духовные авторитеты. Самым серьѐзным препятствием на пути духовной трансформации потребительского общества является мировоззренческий антропоцентризм. Его недостаток не только в том, что он превращает человека в культ для самого себя, а его жизнедеятельность в служение себе, антропоцентризм ослабляет потенцию веры человека и его волю. Демократический плюрализм, многообразие культурных форм, усиление аналитической тенденции в познании превращаются в факторы смысловой растерянности и неуверенности знания, безуспешно ищущего надѐжных доказательств на уровне общего выбора направления общественного развития. Эту слабость в сфере стратегического нравственного предпочтения многие постмодерные философы представляют как силу противодействия «большим нарративам», «тоталитарным идеологиям». Однако людей без идеологии нет, как нет и сомнения в наличии ценностных ориентиров, в отношении которых может быть установлено решающее общественное единодушие. ; The purpose of the article is to regard the essence and phenomenon of spirituality in connection with ontologi-cal foundation of human being existence. The author suggests the concept of new cosmo-theocentric paradigm of human world outlook, as a ground of perspective transformation of social life activity on the contrary to anthropo-centric view, which dominates in present society consciousness. The author gives the characteristics of the ideal sage and underlines the importance of spiritual teachers in cultural development of society. Methodology. The me-thod of philosophizing is connected with the unity of mind, sensuality, belief, will in integral body and mental or-ganization of a man. Such point of view takes into consideration not only aspects of objective determination, but includes senses of existence and world outlook ideas in culture on particular and universal levels of social experi-ence. The author considers a special ontological disposition of the human being in the world as a "transcendent project" with "metaphysic responsibility". Scientific novelty. In the history of social culture the problem of its spiri-tual attitude towards reality is a basic problem, but now it becomes especially up-to-date and important. Now the survival of the civilization depends on the development of spirituality. From metaphysical point of view it means how spiritual the human being may be. The author connects the consideration of spirituality with particular human being ontological status in the world and provides his reflection with speculative character. Conclusions. The transi-tion of modern civilized society to the cosmo-theocentric paradigm is prepared by contradictions of its technological and cultural development. In historical circumstances when the conscious influence of society on itself is growing, the realization of this process depends on spiritual trend of human beings cultural activity and mental quality of so-cial leaders. Anthropocentrism as a world view principle is a main obstacle on the way to spiritual transformation of consumer society. This principle made the human being the cult for itself and weakened its ability for will and be-lief. Democratic pluralism and diversity of cultural forms, reinforcement of analytic tendency in cognition are turned into the aspects of confusion in selection the trends of social development. Many philosophers of "postmodern situa-tion" connect democracy and pluralism with fighting against totalitarian ideologies. However, we have no person without any ideology and undoubtedly it is possible to attain consonance in the sphere of main morality values.

Despite the global power shift from West to East and almost everyone in the EU recognising that the importance of Asia is growing, there has been a lacking willingness to devote time, energy and resources to deepening relations with the region. There has been a lack of a unified strategic vision for the region, and due to internal policy divisions and institutional squabbles, the EU has failed to become a strong, cohesive, actor. Thus, the EU needs to prioritise and focus if to be able to successfully pursue a strategy towards East Asia. East Asia is the home to the fastest growing economies in the world. It contains both like-minded partners, economic powerhouses, and a number of developing countries with an interest in learning from the EU experiences. The EU has a unique advantage in the region; besides having economic weight it is seen as a nonthreatening partner in the region, giving a comparative advantage over other major powers such as the US and China. However, the success of the EU's strategy requires a unified strategy with clear prioritisation of areas where the EU realistically can have an impact. Emphasise should be put on enhancing the bilateral trade and investment conditions, and to pursue principled polices in particular towards Southeast Asian nations that are going through a democratisation process. Being a region with widespread ecological problems, the impact of knowledge and technology transfers would benefit the EU's global interests in the environment, energy and climate change areas, as a more sustainable East Asia have direct impact on a global scale. When designing an EU global strategy towards East Asia it is important to start form where we are, even if that is not where we would like to be. The European Union is not viewed as a serious political or security actor in East Asia among the regional countries. The EU is best understood as an outside-actor, with no hard power in the region. However, this is not necessary a bad thing. Instead, the EU has a unique position, being seen as a nonthreatening partner. If used wisely, the role as a nonthreatening partner can together with the EU's economic weight secure a leading position together with China and the US not only in the region but in the world. There are many areas of shared concern between the EU and the US. However, the EU should be cautious when cooperating with the US ensuring not losing its credibility and becoming irrelevant as an independent actor. Despite sharing principles, there are major differences between the EU's attempt to combine principled policies with economic and security concerns while the US policy, in contrast, focuses on the security first, almost always winning over democracy. The strengthening of bilateral trade and investment flows, including interlinked areas such as improved market access and investment conditions, should be the main focus of the EU's strategy towards East Asia. The pursuit of FTAs with East Asian counterparts should be continued, with special emphasis on Japan and Indonesia. The EU should avoid making economic concessions in exchange for concessions on principles. The current practice of pursuing policies aimed at maximising European access and competiveness rather that pursuing multilateralism for its own sake should be continued. The EU should be selective in pursuing principled policies, creating more impact for the policies pursued and not to undermining either its role in region or the bilateral trade and investment relations. The EU should focus on cooperation with likeminded partners (Japan, South Korea and the ASEAN countries). Such a focus will have best possible spill-over effects in the region, and globally as East Asian partners will also benefit the EU's work on the global level. To develop EU-China relations are essential, with China already being the world's 2nd largest economy and the EU being Chinas largest trading partner. Being a country with widespread ecological problems, the impact of knowledge and technology transfers would benefit the EU's global interests in the environment, energy and climate change areas, as a more sustainable China have direct impact on a global scale. The China strategy should stand on three legs; economic cooperation – with a focus of protecting European interests such as investments and intellectual property rights as well cooperation around green technology – people-to-people exchanges, and the strengthening of the strategic partnership. For the latter to succeed there is a need to overcoming diverging value expectation, trying to reach a pragmatic consensus on how to make Beijing and the EU's policies complimentary. All the above needs to be accomplished while the EU continues to stay vocal concerning the human rights situation in China. It is important to recognise that East Asia is not only China. The EU should prioritise relations with the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). After a long period of scepticism, ASEAN has opened up to learn from the EU experience making it a potentially major success in the EU's global strategy. Particular emphasis should be put on Indonesia, one of the region's most democratic countries and home to the largest Muslim population in the world. Relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan should be enhanced – there are partners that are not only major economic powers, but also ones with whom the EU are sharing similar values and similar challenges. It is in the EU's interest to contribute to the safeguarding of regional peace and security. The EU should work together with regional partners, in particular ASEAN, and the US on issues concerning regional peace and security on all levels, including, but not limited to, forum such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and East Asia Summit.

[spa] Se trata de una tesis doctoral que se inscribe en el marco de la Filosofía de la Educación, enfatizando la importancia de la hermenéutica y la axiología como herramientas conceptuales para la construcción de una pedagogía de futuro y el desarrollo de un discurso intelectual crítico-educativo, abordando las relaciones que se establecen entre conocimiento, poder y pedagogía, distinguiendo diversos tipos de saber: emancipador, transformador ontológico y funcional utilitario. Es así que se presenta un perfil del ser humano ante la dicotomía ciudadano/consumidor como elementos antropológicos constituyentes del hombre contemporáneo y los desafíos que esto presenta para las instituciones educativas formales, orientadas estas últimas a la reproducción de un individuo útil, eficiente y funcional a un paradigma instrumental. Es así que el estudio titulado La Crisis Educativa en la Cultura Contemporánea, a través de un formato teórico y ensayístico, busca un replanteamiento educativo, preguntándose por el sentido mismo que posee el concepto «educación» para la sociedad del siglo XXI, los objetivos que persiguen los sistemas de enseñanza contemporáneos, los supuestos teóricos y materiales sobre los que se asientan, y el cuestionamiento del aspecto meramente instrumental y utilitarista que los caracteriza, en desmedro de una formación cultural integradora, reflexiva y creativa, que permita al sujeto y a la sociedad tomar consciencia de las diversas dimensiones sustantivas y constitutivas de su existencia, valorando cada una de ellas en relación con las demás y con el resto de seres humanos. De esta manera, se estudia la teleología educativa en donde la formación queda devaluada a una simple instancia instrumental que se legitima por el éxito o la eficacia, según los considerandos de una mentalidad pragmática, todo lo cual se antoja como una constante amenaza para la sustentabilidad de sociedades democráticas, ya que el elemento formativo y aglutinador social se ve mermado por lógicas individualistas extremas. Por ello, esta tesis se orienta desde la Filosofía de la Educación hacia un campo político, configurándose una especie de Filosofía Política de la Educación, en el sentido de fortalecer la idea de ciudadanía que depende de la polis, y, por tanto, de consolidar y robustecer una democracia auténtica y radical. Frente a este estado de cosas, y con un trasfondo que se inspira en los ecos de la tradición humanista, se opta por un planteamiento transformador que se relaciona, también, con la pedagogía crítica, la cual no diverge respecto de la pedagogía hermenéutica, ya que ambas –hermenéutica y crítica– coinciden en su dimensión analítico-transformadora, postulando un modelo educativo que vaya más allá de la escuela reproductora, para lo cual se ha tenido presente, a lo largo de todo el estudio, la dimensión concreta y situada de la cuestión, la que queda plasmada en la parte final de la investigación como soporte empírico del tema tratado, por medio del análisis crítico del sistema educativo chileno, inspirado en dichos principios instrumentales, mercantiles e individualistas. De esta manera, en 8 apartados más un capítulo prospectivo a modo de conclusiones, se ha estructurado la presente investigación, realizando un recorrido metódico desde lo más general y abstracto hasta el examen de la realidad particular y concreta, para lo cual se ha recurrido, en una primera etapa, a una inspección preliminar de diversos archivos, formatos y recursos, para luego realizar una indagación exhaustiva y rigurosa de fuentes bibliográficas primarias y secundarias que nos ha permitido la elaboración de un catálogo pormenorizado y jerarquizado de autores y textos, seleccionados en función de cada temática abordada, aunque conteniendo cada parte en el todo de la investigación. ; [eng] This is a PhD thesis inserted in the area of the Philosophy of Education, emphasizing the importance of the hermeneutics and the axiology as the conceptual tools for the construction of a pedagogy for the future and the development of a critical, educative, and intellectual speech, including the relationships between knowledge, power, and pedagogy, distinguishing diverse kinds of knowledge: emancipator knowledge, ontology transformation knowledge and useful and functional knowledge. In this way, a profile of the human being is presented, facing the dichotomy citizen/consumer as the anthropological elements that constitute the modern man and the challenges this presents for the formal educative institutions that are oriented to the reproduction of a useful, efficient and functional individual in an instrumental paradigm. Thus, the educative teleology is studied, where the formation remains devalued as a simple instrumental stage that is qualified by the success or the efficiency, according to the foundations of a pragmatic mentality, that can be described as a constant threat for the viability of democratic societies because the formative and social agglutinating element is reduced due to extreme individualist logic. For this reason, this thesis is focused from the Philosophy of Education to a political field, organizing a kind of Political Philosophy of Education, in the sense of reinforcing the idea of citizenship that depends on the Polis and, therefore, strengthening a radical and authentic democracy. Considering all these factors, and with a background inspired by the echo of the humanist tradition, a transforming approach is selected and this is related to the critical pedagogy, that is not different from hermeneutic pedagogy, since both —hermeneutics and critics— coincide with its analytical transforming dimension, postulating an educative model that goes beyond reproductive schooling that is illustrated and characterized in the analysis of the Chilean educative system inspired by individualist, commercial and instrumental principles.

[spa] El título de la tesis refleja el propósito de este estudio: Diagnosticar la situación de la Formación para la Ciudadanía de secundaria en México, desde un modelo de Ciudadanía Democrático e Intercultural. El actual contexto sociopolítico de México, evidencia una ciudadanía que trabaja fuertemente por consolidar su democracia. Sin embargo, la desigualdad social, la poca participación y una falta de reconocimiento a la diversidad cultural y lingüística, que aún persiste en la sociedad mexicana socava sus propios principios democráticos. Bajo este marco, la pregunta que surgió se focalizó en comprender qué está haciendo el Sistema Educativo Mexicano, a través de sus políticas y del curriculum escolar para luchar contra esta situación, y qué es lo que está logrando en su alumnado de secundaria. La elección de este nivel, respondió al hecho de contar con alumnado en una etapa fundamental en la formación de la identidad, elemento fundamental en la Formación para la Ciudadanía, y por ser el colectivo más numeroso del Sistema por estar a punto de comenzar a ejercer sus derechos ciudadanos. Para realizar el diagnóstico se creó un modelo teórico de Formación para la Ciudadanía Democrática e Intercultural, el cual respondía a las necesidades del contexto mexicano. Este modelo se construyó a partir de la revisión de varios modelos de Educación para la Ciudadanía, entre ellos el Modelo de Educación para la Ciudadanía Activa, Responsable, Crítica e Intercultural del GREDI (Grup de Recerca en Educació Intercultural) de la Universidad de Barcelona, del cual se tomaron varios elementos vertebrales. Las principales dimensiones del modelo construido -Concepción de Ciudadanía, Interculturalidad, Sentimiento de Pertenencia, Competencias Ciudadanas y Participación Ciudadana- fueron los parámetros utilizados para analizar el curriculum de Formación para la Ciudadanía en México. Asimismo, dichas dimensiones se operativizaron en un cuestionario para el alumnado de la muestra. El estudio diagnosticó que el curriculum escolar de Formación para la Ciudadanía en México tiene presentes todas las dimensiones del modelo teórico construido. Además, el estudio empírico validó la relación entre todas las dimensiones del modelo teórico. Se identificó también que la presencia del modelo de Formación para la Ciudadanía Democrática e Intercultural podría articular los elementos necesarios para una sólida Formación para la Ciudadanía y por lo tanto se podría aspirar más consistentemente a una convivencia más democrática en México. La investigación cuenta con tres capítulos teóricos. El primero de ellos presenta la Concepción de Ciudadanía por la que apuesta México, el segundo establece los elementos clave que deben estar presentes en la Formación para la Ciudadanía y el tercero desarrolla el modelo de Formación para la Ciudadanía Democrática e Intercultural. Posteriormente, se dedica un capítulo al análisis del curriculum de la Formación para la Ciudadanía en México. El capítulo quinto refleja la metodología empleada y el sexto presenta los resultados obtenidos empíricamente a la luz del análisis curricular. Finalmente se presentan las conclusiones, propuestas de mejora, y los limitantes y prospectiva de la investigación. ; [eng] The title of the thesis reflects the purpose of this study: Diagnose the situation of the Training for Citizenship in secondary school students in Mexico, from a Democratic and Intercultural Citizenship Model. The current socio-political context of Mexico shows a citizenship that works hard to consolidate its democracy. However social inequality, poor participation and a lack of recognition of cultural and linguistic diversity that still exists in Mexican society undermines its own democratic principles. Under this framework, the research focused on understanding what the Mexican Educational System is doing through its policies and through the school curriculum, to eliminate the situations that hinder , the democratic development of the Mexican republic, and the achievements of its secondary students. The choice of this level was to do with the fact of having students at a critical stage of their identity building process, key element in the Citizenship Education, and also for being the largest collective of the System about to begin to exercise their civil Rights. For doing the diagnose, we established a Democratic and Intercultural Citizenship theoretical Model which respond to the profile and requirements of the Mexican context. This Model was constructed based on the review of several models of Citizenship Education, including the GREDI´s (Intercultural Education Research Group) Active, Responsible, Critic and Intercultural Education Citizenship Model, from the University of Barcelona, which give us many important elements. The main dimensions of the model we built – Citizenship conception, Interculturality, Sense of ownership, Citizenship Competencies and Citizenship participation- were the parameters used to analyze the curriculum of Citizen Education in Mexico. Likewise, these dimensions were used in a questionnaire that we applied to the secondary education students. The diagnosis found that the Mexican Citizenship Education curriculum has all the aspects of our model and the empiric study holds the relations between all these. The research has three theoretical chapters. The first one it is about the Mexican Citizenship conception, the second one established the key elements that must be present in the Citizenship Education and the third one, develops the Democratic and Intercultural Citizenship Education Model. Subsequently, a chapter is devoted to the analysis of curriculum for Citizenship Education in Mexico. The fifth chapter reflects the methodology used and the sixth explain the empirically results. Finally, we present the conclusions, suggestions for improvement, and the constraints and prospects of research.

En aquest article, la societat civil es defineix com un àmbit no normatiu, sinó analiticològic, que constitueix una esfera de societat diferenciada dels àmbits circumdants de la família, l'economia i l'estat. La societat civil, segons el concepte que es presenta aquí, és realitat (no utopia); és política, però no democràtica per naturalesa; no està lligada a la democràcia i no és civilitzada per naturalesa. En la situació ideal, cosa rara als països en vies de desenvolupament, els àmbits circumdants (estat, família, economia) i també la societat civil són potents. En aquestes circumstàncies no existeix cap joc de suma zero entre la societat civil i els àmbits circumdants, sinó equilibri i fins i tot suport mutu. Als països en vies de desenvolupament la situació no sol ser aquesta. En aquests països, els dèficits particulars dels àmbits circumdants influeixen en la societat civil no autònoma des de l'exterior. Als països en vies de desenvolupament, a més a més, la societat civil es fractura a través de canals "no emancipadors" (no democràtics, no econòmics, no civilitzats), que defineixen els processos sociopolítics que, partint d'uns àmbits circumdants deficients, recorren la societat civil i són "més potents" que el canal oposat "no emancipador" corresponent. La combinació respectiva d'aquests canals i els canals oposats serveix com a base per a una tipologia de les societats civils, sobre la qual es pot construir una política de desenvolupament. ; In this article, civil society is defined as a non-normative, analytical-logic realm which constitutes a societal sphere distinct from the surrounding realms of family, economy and the state. Civil society, according to the concept presented here, is reality (not utopia), political, not democratic per se, not bound to democracy and not civilised per se. In the ideal situation, rare in developing countries, the surrounding realms (state, family, economy) as well as civil society are strong. In such circumstances, a zero-sum game is not played out between civil society and surrounding realms, but there is a balance, even mutual support. In developing countries, this is mostly not the case. Instead, in these countries, the particular deficits of the outside, surrounding realms influence the non-autonomous civil society. Moreover, in developing countries, civil society is fractured by ¿non-emancipating' (non-democratic, non-economic, non-civilised) channels, defining socio-political processes which, starting from deficient surrounding realms, run through civil society and are ¿stronger' than the corresponding ¿non-emancipating' opposing channel. The respective combination of these and opposing channels serves as a basis for a typology of civil societies on which development policy can be built. ; En este artículo, la sociedad civil se define como un ámbito no normativo, sino analíticológico, que constituye una esfera societal diferenciada de los ámbitos circundantes de la familia, la economía y el estado. La sociedad civil, según el concepto que se presenta aquí, es realidad (no utopía), es política, no democrática de por sí, no está ligada a la democracia y no es civilizada de por sí. En la situación ideal, algo raro en los países en vías de desarrollo, los ámbitos circundantes (estado, familia, economía) y también la sociedad civil son potentes. En estas circunstancias no existe ningún juego de suma cero entre la sociedad civil y los ámbitos circundantes, sino equilibrio e incluso apoyo mutuo. En los países en vías de desarrollo la situación no acostumbra a ser esta. En estos países, los déficits particulares de los ámbitos circundantes influyen en la sociedad civil no autónoma desde el exterior. En los países en vías de desarrollo, además, la sociedad civil se fractura a través de canales "no emancipadores" (no democráticos, no económicos, no civilizados), que definen los procesos sociopolíticos que, partiendo de unos ámbitos circundantes deficientes, recorren la sociedad civil y son "más potentes" que el canal opuesto "no emancipador" correspondiente. La combinación respectiva de estos canales y canales opuestos sirve como base para una tipología de las sociedades civiles, sobre la que puede construirse una política de desarrollo. ; Dans cet article, la société civile est définie comme un domaine non normatif, mais analytico-logique qui représente une sphère sociétale différentiée des milieux environnants de la famille, l'économie et l'état. La société civile, selon le concept présenté ici, est une réalité (non pas une utopie), elle est politique, non pas naturellement démocratique, elle n'est pas liée à la démocratie et elle n'est pas naturellement civilisée. Dans la situation idéale, assez rare dans les pays en voie de développement, les milieux environnants (état, famille, économie) et aussi la société civile, sont puissants. Dans ces circonstances il n'existe aucun jeu à somme nulle entre la société civile et les milieux environnants, mais plutôt équilibre et même soutien mutuel. Dans les pays en voie de développement, la situation est rarement ainsi. Dans ces pays, les déficits particuliers des milieux environnants ont une influence sur la société civile non autonome depuis l'extérieur. Dans les pays en voie de développement, la société civile se fracture en outre à travers des canaux «non émancipateurs» (non démocratiques, non économiques, non civilisés), qui définissent les processus sociopolitiques qui, à partir de milieux environnants déficients, parcourent la société civile et sont «plus puissants» que le canal opposé «non émancipateur» correspondant. La combinaison respective de ces canaux et les canaux opposés sert de base pour une typologie des sociétés civiles, sur laquelle on peut construire une politique de développement.

This paper work is concentrated over the issues that defines and characterizes the EU. It explains and make a deep analyzes of EU as an international actor. In the information below it is listed the main principles and values of EU's foreign policy: the EU should actively help to promote international peace and human security, to ensure that soft power effectively yields real power, promoting effective multilateralism and global governance, EU is a coherent foreign policy actor; to adopt a comprehensive foreign policy, protection of member states interests; give a multilateral sense to the Neighborhood policy; the Democracy protection and promotion. Also, in this work will be presented the relation established by EU with its neighborhoods that plays a substantial role in EU's foreign policy activity and on which EU actions direct or indirect therefore falls such as: Russia Federation looks at European Union as a model to rebuilding and reintegration and an important support in maintaining the peace in the Europe and worldwide. The Balkan region is assessed as a glass which is half full and half empty, depending on one viewpoint and the region at issue and viewed as a potential for territory enlargements. EU has to pay a special attention to Mediterranean region using a variety of bilateral and multilateral mechanisms In the relation with countries which a determined by crises and wars, The European Union needs to differentiate the dual-track approach and adopt a much more long-term strategy for Iran. In Afghanistan and Pakistan the EU should keep the civilian actor image and to participate to restoration of the balance between military and civil dimension, and to invest a constant effort to resolve Israeli-Arab conflict. The EU should focus on three priorities, in addition to pursuing its efforts to support the African states to prevent, manage and resolve wars and crises. The combined efforts of the United States and Europe are no longer sufficient to shape international relations. The EU needs to add a multilateral dimension to its relations with China. The EU has two important strategic partners which represents for EU a support in the maintaining end restoring the stability and prosperity on worldwide arena, besides of complicate and divergent relation with USA, the relation with China is presented as a favorable one for both countries. The main keywords used to underline the intensity and importance of the goal of this project and to highlight the specificity of the process of answering on the questions listed above and to make the idea of the paperwork more concentrated are: The international relations, Foreign Policy, International actor, Crisis; RESUMO: Este trabalho de papel é concentrada sobre as questões que define e caracteriza a UE. Ele explica e fazer uma profunda análise da UE como ator internacional. As informações abaixo é listado os principais princípios e valores da política externa da UE: a UE deve contribuir activamente para promover a paz internacional ea segurança humana, para garantir que o poder brando efetivamente produz o poder real, promoção do multilateralismo eficaz e governança global, a UE é um ator política externa coerente, a adotar uma política externa global, protecção dos interesses dos Estados membros; dar um sentido multilateral para a política de vizinhança, de protecção e promoção da democracia. Além disso, neste trabalho será apresentado a relação estabelecida pela UE com os seus bairros que desempenha um papel importante na actividade da UE em matéria de política externa e em que acções da UE direta ou indireta, portanto, cai, tais como: Federação da Rússia olha União Europeia como um modelo para a reconstrução e reintegração e uma ajuda importante na manutenção da paz na Europa e no mundo. A região dos Balcãs é avaliada como um copo que está meio cheio e meio vazio, dependendo de um ponto de vista e da região em questão e visto como um potencial para ampliações território. UE tem de pagar uma atenção especial à região do Mediterrâneo usando uma variedade de mecanismos bilaterais e multilaterais Na relação com os países que uma determinada pelas crises e guerras, A União Europeia precisa de diferenciar a abordagem dual-track e adoptar uma estratégia muito mais longo prazo para o Irã. No Afeganistão e Paquistão, a UE deve manter a imagem actor civil e de participar para a restauração do equilíbrio entre a dimensão militar e civil, e investir um esforço constante para resolver o conflito árabe-israelense. A UE deve se concentrar em três prioridades, além de prosseguir os seus esforços para apoiar os estados Africano para prevenir, gerir e resolver as guerras e crises. Os esforços combinados dos Estados Unidos e na Europa não são mais suficientes para moldar as relações internacionais. A UE precisa de adicionar uma dimensão multilateral às suas relações com a China. A UE tem dois importantes parceiros estratégicos da UE, que representa um suporte no final manter restaurar a estabilidade e prosperidade na arena mundial, além de complicar e divergentes relação com os EUA, a relação com a China é apresentada como um cenário favorável para ambos os países. Os principais palavras-chave usadas para sublinhar a intensidade ea importância do objetivo deste projeto e para destacar a especificidade do processo de responder sobre as perguntas acima e fazer a idéia de a papelada mais concentrados são: relações internacionais, política externa, internacionais ator, Crisis.

In contrast to past literature on competitive bribery, the thesis demonstrates that competitive bribery for rents generated from market distortions is inefficient. However, self enriching policy makers have incentives for implementing these distortions in order to maximize the appropriation of rents. Their success in raising distortions is higher when the electoral process is easily manipulated. Thus distortions are higher and last longer in the absence of electoral accountability. Such distortions worsen the deprivation of human capabilities and functionings, as evidenced by worsening health outcomes among children in Zimbabwe after the policy changes since 2000. Market distortions are sub-optimal and attract bribery. Given arguments in the literature that competitive bribery is efficient, this thesis investigates whether this 'efficiency outcome' extends to bribery for rents generated from distortions. This analysis questions the generalization of the 'efficiency outcome' from models of competitive bribery. The thesis applies auction theory to demonstrate that a symmetric model of competitive bribery can produce an inefficient outcome. In particular, it shows that efficiency in competitive bribery models is sensitive to the source of rents. If the valuation of rents is misaligned to society's preferences, then competitive bribery produces an inefficient outcome. The generalization that competitive bribery is efficient is therefore misleading. This is illustrated using rents generated from market distortions hence the outcome confirms the inefficiency of bribery for rents generated from market distortions. Bribes for rents generated by market distortions accrue to office bearers. Therefore, self enriching policy makers find rent generating distortions attractive despite their negative impact on efficiency and social outcomes. These policy makers seek to extract maximum rents from distortions subject to constraints imposed by considerations for political survival. The political considerations are determined by the quality of electoral institutions. When electoral institutions are weak, incumbents can use electoral fraud to circumvent political pressure generated by the negative effects of high distortions. They maximize on financial rents by raising the level of distortions even when large welfare losses arise. Uni democratic regimes will therefore choose higher levels of distortions. They are less likely to adjust high distortions too. The thesis demonstrates this argument using a model of electoral accountability to compare distortions chosen by an incumbent with and without the possibility of electoral manipulation. The model shows that an incumbent chooses higher distortions when electoral manipulation is feasible. This theory is confirmed on exchange rate distortions in Sub-Saharan Africa. Dictatorships overvalue by between 22.4 and 26.6 percentage points more than complete democracies. These estimates are obtained from dynamic panel GMM estimation using data for non CFA Sub-Saharan countries. The quality of democracy is measured by the polity 2 score from the Polity IV data and exchange rate overvaluation by the black market to official exchange rate ratio. Further confirmation of the hypothesis comes from conditional logit estimation results. They show that undemocratic regimes are more likely to excessively overvalue the exchange rate than democratic regimes. This explains the persistence of excessive distortions in countries with weak institutions. Such distortions can not be wholly attributed to lobbying by special interest groups or to the political use of economic inefficiency as generally argued in the literature. Zimbabwe offers a practical example of distortions which are implemented or sustained for maximizing the appropriation of rents by the incumbent. The government stepped up its intervention in markets since 2000. The resulting distortions shifted command over resources and placed them in the hands of the elite while their intensity and persistence had devastating effects on the economy. Elections over this period have been accompanied by electoral intimidation and manipulation. Thus the incumbent government relied on electoral manipulation to continue the appropriation of rents from market distortions. Zimbabwe provides a good case study of the consequences of market distortions that are sustained to benefit the incumbent in the presence of weak democratic institutions. The thesis uses the 1999 and 2005/06 DHS data to make a comparative analysis of changes in social outcomes after the policy shift in Zimbabwe. This analysis sheds light on the social costs of market distortions that are sustained to benefit the incumbent. The average number of items consumed by under 5 year old children declined by 34%, mean height for age by 19% and mean weight for age by 16%. The biggest declines were on outcomes for children living in poor and middle class households. Children in richer households were the least affected. The significant negative coefficient of food consumption in the height and weight for age regressions show that food consumptions worsened child health outcomes. The decline in food consumption contributed to 37% and 57% decline in means of height and weight for age respectively. ii Wealth inequality in 2005/06 was 16% relatively higher than inequality in 1999. Wealth is measured by an asset index derived from principle component analysis and its inequality by the McKenzie 2005 index. Inequality in food consumption increased as evidenced by a change in the Kakwani concentration index for food consumption by 48% of the 1999 value. A decomposition of changes in health inequality shows that increased inequality in food consumption contributed to increased nutrition inequality by a magnitude of 11% and 6% of stunting and underweight concentration indices in 1999. These results indicate that market distortions worsened social outcomes in Zimbabwe. Yet the distortions persisted for almost a decade due to weak electoral accountability in that period. This shows that a weak intuitional environment which erodes electoral accountability promotes policies that are costly to society. Distortions that arise from such policies have an impact that extends beyond efficiency in allocation. They affect outcomes which are intrinsically important aspects of well-being. iii

Humanities: 1st Place (The Ohio State University Edward F. Hayes Graduate Research Forum) ; Throughout the 1990s in the United States, a series of suburban school shootings perpetrated by young, white males disrupted contemporary perceptions of American youth, often a population configured in terms of ideal whiteness. While scholars from a variety of disciplines have expressed an interest in the ways in which the media portrays real life violence and offered critiques of portrayals of race and gender as homogenously white and male, there is scant analysis of fictional accounts of school shootings and school violence despite the increasing availability of these narratives across broad audiences. Following the numerous school shootings throughout the 1990s, several films, adult and young adult novels, television episodes, memoirs, and a variety of non-fiction texts emerged as forms of social commentary on school violence. Each of these representations focuses on adolescent protagonists who experience or perpetrate school violence in suburban or rural settings (i.e. primarily white locations). The central research question of this paper asks: if the media have a specific role and purpose in sensationalizing crime and violence, what then is the specific role and purpose of the fictional narratives that also emerge in response to the social and political anxieties concerning white youth violence? The very presence of these fictional representations suggests the question of their cultural work and what their portrayals signify as a grouping of narratives. Despite the decreasing numbers of homicides perpetrated by youth and committed against youth on school grounds in the last two decades, popular cultural portrayals of youth violence in schools have increased exponentially during this time. Interestingly, previous to the year 2000, the majority of school violence novels, films, and television representations featured youth of color in narratives that focused on gang violence and encouraged the pursuit of education to escape dangerous neighborhoods. Post-2000, however, there has been a rise in "rampage" shooting representations with numerous novels, television episodes, films, and young adult novels portraying white males shooting classmates and teachers in suburban and rural areas. These post-2000 representations continue through the present with the most recent being a 2009 film, April Showers, written and directed by Andrew Robinson, a survivor of the Columbine High School Massacre. In these fictional portrayals of youth violence, male perpetrators are frequently characterized in connection to their racial identities, resulting in racially disparate narratives that frame youth of color as engaging in a "culture of violence" that is both inevitable and directly tied to their race and community, whereas white youth perpetrators are labeled as "evil" or as psychologically disturbed and are thus disconnected from their race and set apart from their communities. While urban violence is assumed to be endemic and can thus only be eradicated through incarceration, the importance of explaining away white youth violence is central to the anxieties that proliferate in response to rampage school violence. I argue in this paper that these representations have direct implications for the ways in which youth are either characterized as American citizens or denied a citizenship identity based on their actions and the actions of those around them; these narratives communicate particular messages regarding who is a threat to democracy and who can be educated to be a harmless and productive citizen. To further contextualize the similarities and differences between these racially segregated sub-genres of education narratives that focus on youth violence, in this paper I offer a short literature review of the scholarship surrounding popular culture representations of minority youth in urban settings in order to contextualize post-2000 white youth violence narratives within already present narratives of youth violence. Following this discussion, I propose a comparative taxonomy of urban and suburban/rural education representations as a tool to categorize youth violence narratives as well as attempt to understand these narrative sub-genres as historically, politically, and socially embedded. I then utilize this taxonomy to categorize over 50 youth violence narratives ranging from 1955-2009. I conclude my paper with an application of this taxonomy that places two representative film narratives, the urban school violence film, 187 (1997), and the suburban/rural school violence film Elephant (2003), in conversation with one another through an analysis of the films themselves in addition to in-depth reception studies. Scholars have claimed that narratives of adolescence engage adult audiences specifically through their messages about the future of society, but the repeated portrayals of deviant youth in narratives of school violence imply an inability to understand where youth belong in larger society. The narratives in my study illustrate that when white crime occurs among youth through violence, the innocence of youth and whiteness are both called into question, bringing about what scholars across disciplines have described as a "moral panic." A cultural paranoia grows out of rampage shootings, in part, because the potential victimhood that whites fear within urban areas has transitioned to white schools and suburban settings. Indeed, the moral panic that results from rampage violence in white, suburban and rural areas can find its foundation in the cultural and political anxieties surrounding perceptions of urban juvenile crime in the 1980s and 1990s. In order to offer reassurance to white audiences, fictional narratives of youth violence that reference real-life violent acts must provide justifications and explanations for white violence that is framed as unexpected and shocking. Thus, those who can reframe and explain rampage violence perpetrated by white youth hold the power of reclaiming the innocence of youth, whiteness, and, most importantly, white youth. ; A five-year embargo was granted for this item.

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan "Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun" ile 18.06.2018 tarihli "Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge" gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır. ; 1924 yılında etnik temele dayalı bir kimliğin kabul edilmesiyle birlikte başlayan Kürt sorunu, uzun bir zaman ?etnik ayrılıkçı eylemler? olarak tanımlanmış ve ?Kürt kimliği?, ?Kürt sorunu? gibi kavramlar ise kullanılmamıştır. 2010 Türkiyesi'nde, çözümün halen bulunamamış olması, kuşkusuz bu gecikme ile yakından ilişkilidir.Cumhuriyet Yönetimi ve Tek Parti Hükümeti, o dönemde çıkan Kürt isyanlarını, ?eşkıya direnci? olarak tanımlamış ve sert tedbirlerle Kürtlerin direnişini bastırmıştır. Adnan Menderes'in başbakanlığı döneminde, Kürtler ve Güneydoğu Bölgesi hakkında, sosyo-ekonomik ve demokratik bir politikadan söz edilse de, Kürt kimliğinin ve Kürt sorunun inkarı, 1990'lı yıllara kadar devam etmiştir. 1960'tan itibaren yükselen Kürt hareketi ve PKK terörü, yine bu çerçevede değerlendirilmiştir. Aslında bu dönemde Kürt grupları da, bir yandan kendi kimliklerinin tanınmasını isterken, diğer yandan özerklik talep etmişlerdir. Sol Kürt grupların ortaya çıkmasıyla birlikte, Kürtlerin taleplerinde sosyalist eğilimler belirmeye başlamıştır. 1984 yılında Kürt hareketlerini bünyesinde barındıran PKK ise, Türkiye, İran, Irak ve Suriye'deki Kürtleri tek çatı altında birleştiren bağımsız Kürdistan anlayışını benimsemiştir. Günümüze kadar, PKK'nın silahlı eylemleri devam etmiştir. Hatta PKK, Avrupa ülkelerinde de örgütlenerek, bu ülkelerden siyasi destek sağlamaya çalışmıştır.1990'lı yıllar, diğer bir ifadeyle Soğuk Savaş'ın bitimi, Kürt sorununun mahiyetinde önemli değişikliklere sahne olmuştur. Bu dönemde Kürt sorunu, başta dönemin Cumhurbaşkanı Turgut Özal olmak üzere, siyasal aktörler tarafından kabul edilmiş ve soruna yönelik demokratik çözüm arayışları başlamıştır. Ancak yine de, Kürt sorunu konusundaki geleneksel yaklaşımları kırmak mümkün olmadığından, çözüm arayışları söylem olarak kalmıştır.2000'li yıllarda ise, önceki dönemin söylemlerinin somut adımlara dönüştüğü görülmektedir. Bunun en önemli nedeni, Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi ile başlayan, ?insan hakları? ve ?demokrasi? kavramlarının yükselişidir. Türkiye, uluslararası liberal sisteme uyum sağlayabilmek için, tüm demokrasi sorunlarını çözme zarureti ile karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Bu anlamda, Avrupa Birliği'ne tam üyelik hedefi itici güç olarak kabul edilebilir. Diğer yandan, Dağlıca ve Aktütün saldırıları, terörün bitirilmesi konusunda Hükümet'i baskı altına almış ve çözüm arayışlarını hızlandırmıştır.Nihayetinde Hükümet, Kürt sorununun çözümü için, Demokratik Açılım Projesi'ni önermiştir. Demokratik Açılım Projesi bugün, hararetle tartışılmaktadır. Ancak, gerek Kürtlerin talepleri, gerekse siyasal aktörlerin görüşleri incelendiğinde, projenin işlerliğinin olmadığı sonucuna ulaşılmaktadır. Özellikle, Kürtlerin genel af, anadilde eğitim, ayrı bir ulus olarak tanınma ve bölgesel özerklik talepleri, siyasal aktörler tarafından ?bölücü emeller? olarak görülmektedir. Askeri kesim ve muhalefet partileri, bireysel hak ve özgürlüklerin tanınması dışındaki girişimlere şimdilik onay vermemektedir. ; By accepting the ethnic-based national identity in 1924, the Kurdish issue emerged. But for along time that issue was seen as the ethnic separatist movement by the state authorities. Not finding a final solution to the question until today has a direct link to that official approach.The Republican period and single-party government described the Kurdish rebellions as ?eşkıya resistance? and took strong measures in order to suppress them. In the Adnan Menderes Period, socio-economic and democratic policies for Kurdish and Southeastern Anatolia were expressed by the state officials, the Kurdish identity and question was rejected until 1990s. Since 1960 growing Kurdish movement and PKK terorism has been evaluated within the framework of that perspective. In reality in this period the Kurdish groups demanded the reception of their own national identity by the state officials and regional autonomy. With the emergence of leftist Kurdish groups, Kurdish people asked for some Marxist desires. In 1984 PKK, uniting other Kurdish movements under its administrative roof, envisaged establishment of in independent Kurdish state, including the Kurds living in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey. Until today it used the force against the Turkish civilians and army. Even by opening its officies in some European countries, it tried to get their political support.End of the Cold War led to emergence of serious changes in the nature of the Kurdish question. In other words, 1990s one the years where the state officials began to change their perceptions about the issue. In this period the Kurdish issue was accepted by the state official, especially including former President Turgut Özal. They made attempts to find democratic solutions to it. But still they did not put aside their traditional approaches to it; therefore, they did not take some concrete attempts.In 2000s, it is seen that some concrete attempts were taken, because after the end of the Cold War human rights and democracy concepts began to dominate the world politics. In order to adapt itself to the liberal international system, Turkey has been faced with the question of finding solutions to its democratic issues deficiencies. In the meantime it can be accepted that ?the full membership to the European Union? subject is also play a pushing power. On the other hand, PKK?s Dağlıca and Aktütün attacks put the goverment under the suppression in order to stop the PKK terorism and speed up the solution attempts.Concequently the goverment has proposed the ?Democratic Openness Project? in order to find a solution to the Kurdish issue. Today there is a warming debate about the project. But when not only Kurdish demands, but also opinions of the political actors have been analyzed, it can be assumed that within a very short the project cannot be brought into life. Especially Kurdish demands, such as general pardon, education at Kurdish language, necognition of the Kurds as a separate nation, regional autonomy, have still be described by the state actors as the separatist objectives. Military elites and opposition parties do not approve any kind of attempts rather than accepting invidual rights and freedoms.

Nicolas of Verona was a 14th Century Franco-Italian poet, courtier to Nicolas Ist of Estonia, to whom, in 1343, he dedicated one of his works. He wrote 3 epic poems identical in their metrical form but each of profoundly different inspiration: La Pharsale (3166 verses) speaks of the military war between Caesar and Pompey of Thessaly for the control of Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, or Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 verses) is an account which relates to the traditional adventures of Roland and of Charlemagne of Spain prior to the defeat at Roncesvalles and the Passion (994 verses) narrates the last days of Christ.These 3 chansons de geste were written in Franco-Italian, a purely hybrid literary language which was probably never spoken but which enabled Italian authors to adapt la geste and French heroes for a already pre-humanist North Italian aristocratic and bourgeois audience. Each draws its content from clearly identifiable sources: The Fet des Romains, a French compilation of 12th Century ancient history, l'Entrée d'Espagne a Carolingian epic about an anonymous man from Padua, The Chronicles of Turpin and The Gospels to which it would be proper to add certain apocryphal captions commonly used in the middle ages.The set of themes are classical and the military struggle plays an important role but the setting of the adventures which are told is particularly innovative in that it only keeps a minimal and purely ornamental role for the supernatural elements of traditional epic: The divine is reduced to insubstantiality and God is a hidden God.This stems from the fact that the spirit of the chanson de geste was re-interpreted insofar as was possible in the pre-humanist conception. Henceforth the epic hero had similarities to storybook characters and the psychological depth he acquired conferred him a new status that of a man placed in the centre of the world. The political project of Nicolas of Verona was of an astonishing modernity and advocated a true democracy in the image of the freedom of the Roman Republic. The moral sense of the work reserves a central role for caution by making it the foundation of every fair and just action.The philosophical sense of the text is in itself totally original: the author reconciles classical Christian virtues and neo-stoic wisdom. Thus, humility becomes ascesism and the heroic death of the martyr for his faith is allied to that of an ancient sage. The demand for restraint and the determination to be surprised by nothing (nihil mirari), far from the epic fortitudo, as well as the respect for the nature of man appear as new imperatives. Nicolas of Verona doesn't deny the difficulty of such an ideal and sets it along side that of the absolute virtue of the sage for purely human domestic wisdom and a parenetic. The moral is of the essence. ; Nicolas de Vérone est un poète franco-italien du XIVe siècle, courtisan de Nicolas Ier d'Este, à qui il dédicace, en 1343, une de ses œuvres. Il a écrit 3 poèmes épiques de forme métrique identique mais d'inspirations profondément différentes : la Pharsale (3166 vers) raconte la guerre armée qui opposa César et Pompée en Thessalie pour la maîtrise de Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, ou Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 vers), est un récit qui se rattache à la tradition des aventures de Roland et de Charlemagne en Espagne avant la défaite de Roncevaux et la Passion (994 vers) narre les derniers jours de la vie du Christ.Ces 3 chansons de geste sont rédigées en franco-italien, cette langue hybride purement littéraire et probablement jamais parlée qui permet aux auteurs italiens d'adapter la geste et les héros français à un public aristocratique et bourgeois d'une Italie du Nord déjà pré-humaniste. Chacune puise son contenu à des sources clairement identifiées : les Fet des Romains, compilation française d'histoire ancienne du XIIe siècle, l'Entrée d'Espagne, épopée carolingienne d'un anonyme Padouan, la Chronique de Turpin et les Evangiles, auxquels il convient d'ajouter quelques légendes apocryphes largement répandues au Moyen Age.Les thématiques sont classiques et la lutte armée y occupe une place de choix mais le cadre des aventures narrées est singulièrement novateur en ce qu'il ne conserve aux différents éléments surnaturels de la tradition épique qu'une place minime et purement ornementale : le divin se réduit jusqu'à l'inconsistance et Dieu est un Dieu caché.Cela vient du fait que l'esprit de la chanson de geste est réinterprété à l'aune des conceptions pré-humanistes : le héros épique s'apparente désormais à un personnage romanesque et l'épaisseur psychologique qu'il gagne lui confère un statut nouveau d'homme placé au centre du monde. Le projet politique de Nicolas de Vérone est d'une étonnante modernité et prône une véritable démocratie, à l'image de la République romaine des libertés. Le sens moral de l'œuvre réserve à la prudence une place centrale en en faisant le fondement de toute action juste et droite.C'est que le sens philosophique des textes est lui-même tout à fait inédit : l'auteur concilie les vertus chrétiennes classiques et une sagesse néo-stoïcienne. Ainsi, l'humilité se fait ascèse et la mort héroïque du martyr de la foi s'apparente aux exemples des sages antiques. L'exigence de modération et la volonté de ne s'étonner de rien (nihil mirari) bien loin de la fortitudo épique, ainsi que le respect de sa nature apparaissent comme des impératifs nouveaux. Nicolas de Vérone ne nie pas la difficulté d'un tel idéal et réserve une place, à côté de la vertu absolue du sage, pour une sagesse domestique purement humaine et une parénétique. La morale s'est faite optative.

Nicolas of Verona was a 14th Century Franco-Italian poet, courtier to Nicolas Ist of Estonia, to whom, in 1343, he dedicated one of his works. He wrote 3 epic poems identical in their metrical form but each of profoundly different inspiration: La Pharsale (3166 verses) speaks of the military war between Caesar and Pompey of Thessaly for the control of Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, or Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 verses) is an account which relates to the traditional adventures of Roland and of Charlemagne of Spain prior to the defeat at Roncesvalles and the Passion (994 verses) narrates the last days of Christ.These 3 chansons de geste were written in Franco-Italian, a purely hybrid literary language which was probably never spoken but which enabled Italian authors to adapt la geste and French heroes for a already pre-humanist North Italian aristocratic and bourgeois audience. Each draws its content from clearly identifiable sources: The Fet des Romains, a French compilation of 12th Century ancient history, l'Entrée d'Espagne a Carolingian epic about an anonymous man from Padua, The Chronicles of Turpin and The Gospels to which it would be proper to add certain apocryphal captions commonly used in the middle ages.The set of themes are classical and the military struggle plays an important role but the setting of the adventures which are told is particularly innovative in that it only keeps a minimal and purely ornamental role for the supernatural elements of traditional epic: The divine is reduced to insubstantiality and God is a hidden God.This stems from the fact that the spirit of the chanson de geste was re-interpreted insofar as was possible in the pre-humanist conception. Henceforth the epic hero had similarities to storybook characters and the psychological depth he acquired conferred him a new status that of a man placed in the centre of the world. The political project of Nicolas of Verona was of an astonishing modernity and advocated a true democracy in the image of the freedom of the Roman Republic. The moral sense of the work reserves a central role for caution by making it the foundation of every fair and just action.The philosophical sense of the text is in itself totally original: the author reconciles classical Christian virtues and neo-stoic wisdom. Thus, humility becomes ascesism and the heroic death of the martyr for his faith is allied to that of an ancient sage. The demand for restraint and the determination to be surprised by nothing (nihil mirari), far from the epic fortitudo, as well as the respect for the nature of man appear as new imperatives. Nicolas of Verona doesn't deny the difficulty of such an ideal and sets it along side that of the absolute virtue of the sage for purely human domestic wisdom and a parenetic. The moral is of the essence. ; Nicolas de Vérone est un poète franco-italien du XIVe siècle, courtisan de Nicolas Ier d'Este, à qui il dédicace, en 1343, une de ses œuvres. Il a écrit 3 poèmes épiques de forme métrique identique mais d'inspirations profondément différentes : la Pharsale (3166 vers) raconte la guerre armée qui opposa César et Pompée en Thessalie pour la maîtrise de Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, ou Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 vers), est un récit qui se rattache à la tradition des aventures de Roland et de Charlemagne en Espagne avant la défaite de Roncevaux et la Passion (994 vers) narre les derniers jours de la vie du Christ.Ces 3 chansons de geste sont rédigées en franco-italien, cette langue hybride purement littéraire et probablement jamais parlée qui permet aux auteurs italiens d'adapter la geste et les héros français à un public aristocratique et bourgeois d'une Italie du Nord déjà pré-humaniste. Chacune puise son contenu à des sources clairement identifiées : les Fet des Romains, compilation française d'histoire ancienne du XIIe siècle, l'Entrée d'Espagne, épopée carolingienne d'un anonyme Padouan, la Chronique de Turpin et les Evangiles, auxquels il convient d'ajouter quelques légendes apocryphes largement répandues au Moyen Age.Les thématiques sont classiques et la lutte armée y occupe une place de choix mais le cadre des aventures narrées est singulièrement novateur en ce qu'il ne conserve aux différents éléments surnaturels de la tradition épique qu'une place minime et purement ornementale : le divin se réduit jusqu'à l'inconsistance et Dieu est un Dieu caché.Cela vient du fait que l'esprit de la chanson de geste est réinterprété à l'aune des conceptions pré-humanistes : le héros épique s'apparente désormais à un personnage romanesque et l'épaisseur psychologique qu'il gagne lui confère un statut nouveau d'homme placé au centre du monde. Le projet politique de Nicolas de Vérone est d'une étonnante modernité et prône une véritable démocratie, à l'image de la République romaine des libertés. Le sens moral de l'œuvre réserve à la prudence une place centrale en en faisant le fondement de toute action juste et droite.C'est que le sens philosophique des textes est lui-même tout à fait inédit : l'auteur concilie les vertus chrétiennes classiques et une sagesse néo-stoïcienne. Ainsi, l'humilité se fait ascèse et la mort héroïque du martyr de la foi s'apparente aux exemples des sages antiques. L'exigence de modération et la volonté de ne s'étonner de rien (nihil mirari) bien loin de la fortitudo épique, ainsi que le respect de sa nature apparaissent comme des impératifs nouveaux. Nicolas de Vérone ne nie pas la difficulté d'un tel idéal et réserve une place, à côté de la vertu absolue du sage, pour une sagesse domestique purement humaine et une parénétique. La morale s'est faite optative.

Nicolas of Verona was a 14th Century Franco-Italian poet, courtier to Nicolas Ist of Estonia, to whom, in 1343, he dedicated one of his works. He wrote 3 epic poems identical in their metrical form but each of profoundly different inspiration: La Pharsale (3166 verses) speaks of the military war between Caesar and Pompey of Thessaly for the control of Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, or Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 verses) is an account which relates to the traditional adventures of Roland and of Charlemagne of Spain prior to the defeat at Roncesvalles and the Passion (994 verses) narrates the last days of Christ.These 3 chansons de geste were written in Franco-Italian, a purely hybrid literary language which was probably never spoken but which enabled Italian authors to adapt la geste and French heroes for a already pre-humanist North Italian aristocratic and bourgeois audience. Each draws its content from clearly identifiable sources: The Fet des Romains, a French compilation of 12th Century ancient history, l'Entrée d'Espagne a Carolingian epic about an anonymous man from Padua, The Chronicles of Turpin and The Gospels to which it would be proper to add certain apocryphal captions commonly used in the middle ages.The set of themes are classical and the military struggle plays an important role but the setting of the adventures which are told is particularly innovative in that it only keeps a minimal and purely ornamental role for the supernatural elements of traditional epic: The divine is reduced to insubstantiality and God is a hidden God.This stems from the fact that the spirit of the chanson de geste was re-interpreted insofar as was possible in the pre-humanist conception. Henceforth the epic hero had similarities to storybook characters and the psychological depth he acquired conferred him a new status that of a man placed in the centre of the world. The political project of Nicolas of Verona was of an astonishing modernity and advocated a true democracy in the image of the freedom of the Roman Republic. The moral sense of the work reserves a central role for caution by making it the foundation of every fair and just action.The philosophical sense of the text is in itself totally original: the author reconciles classical Christian virtues and neo-stoic wisdom. Thus, humility becomes ascesism and the heroic death of the martyr for his faith is allied to that of an ancient sage. The demand for restraint and the determination to be surprised by nothing (nihil mirari), far from the epic fortitudo, as well as the respect for the nature of man appear as new imperatives. Nicolas of Verona doesn't deny the difficulty of such an ideal and sets it along side that of the absolute virtue of the sage for purely human domestic wisdom and a parenetic. The moral is of the essence. ; Nicolas de Vérone est un poète franco-italien du XIVe siècle, courtisan de Nicolas Ier d'Este, à qui il dédicace, en 1343, une de ses œuvres. Il a écrit 3 poèmes épiques de forme métrique identique mais d'inspirations profondément différentes : la Pharsale (3166 vers) raconte la guerre armée qui opposa César et Pompée en Thessalie pour la maîtrise de Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, ou Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 vers), est un récit qui se rattache à la tradition des aventures de Roland et de Charlemagne en Espagne avant la défaite de Roncevaux et la Passion (994 vers) narre les derniers jours de la vie du Christ.Ces 3 chansons de geste sont rédigées en franco-italien, cette langue hybride purement littéraire et probablement jamais parlée qui permet aux auteurs italiens d'adapter la geste et les héros français à un public aristocratique et bourgeois d'une Italie du Nord déjà pré-humaniste. Chacune puise son contenu à des sources clairement identifiées : les Fet des Romains, compilation française d'histoire ancienne du XIIe siècle, l'Entrée d'Espagne, épopée carolingienne d'un anonyme Padouan, la Chronique de Turpin et les Evangiles, auxquels il convient d'ajouter quelques légendes apocryphes largement répandues au Moyen Age.Les thématiques sont classiques et la lutte armée y occupe une place de choix mais le cadre des aventures narrées est singulièrement novateur en ce qu'il ne conserve aux différents éléments surnaturels de la tradition épique qu'une place minime et purement ornementale : le divin se réduit jusqu'à l'inconsistance et Dieu est un Dieu caché.Cela vient du fait que l'esprit de la chanson de geste est réinterprété à l'aune des conceptions pré-humanistes : le héros épique s'apparente désormais à un personnage romanesque et l'épaisseur psychologique qu'il gagne lui confère un statut nouveau d'homme placé au centre du monde. Le projet politique de Nicolas de Vérone est d'une étonnante modernité et prône une véritable démocratie, à l'image de la République romaine des libertés. Le sens moral de l'œuvre réserve à la prudence une place centrale en en faisant le fondement de toute action juste et droite.C'est que le sens philosophique des textes est lui-même tout à fait inédit : l'auteur concilie les vertus chrétiennes classiques et une sagesse néo-stoïcienne. Ainsi, l'humilité se fait ascèse et la mort héroïque du martyr de la foi s'apparente aux exemples des sages antiques. L'exigence de modération et la volonté de ne s'étonner de rien (nihil mirari) bien loin de la fortitudo épique, ainsi que le respect de sa nature apparaissent comme des impératifs nouveaux. Nicolas de Vérone ne nie pas la difficulté d'un tel idéal et réserve une place, à côté de la vertu absolue du sage, pour une sagesse domestique purement humaine et une parénétique. La morale s'est faite optative.

Nicolas of Verona was a 14th Century Franco-Italian poet, courtier to Nicolas Ist of Estonia, to whom, in 1343, he dedicated one of his works. He wrote 3 epic poems identical in their metrical form but each of profoundly different inspiration: La Pharsale (3166 verses) speaks of the military war between Caesar and Pompey of Thessaly for the control of Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, or Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 verses) is an account which relates to the traditional adventures of Roland and of Charlemagne of Spain prior to the defeat at Roncesvalles and the Passion (994 verses) narrates the last days of Christ.These 3 chansons de geste were written in Franco-Italian, a purely hybrid literary language which was probably never spoken but which enabled Italian authors to adapt la geste and French heroes for a already pre-humanist North Italian aristocratic and bourgeois audience. Each draws its content from clearly identifiable sources: The Fet des Romains, a French compilation of 12th Century ancient history, l'Entrée d'Espagne a Carolingian epic about an anonymous man from Padua, The Chronicles of Turpin and The Gospels to which it would be proper to add certain apocryphal captions commonly used in the middle ages.The set of themes are classical and the military struggle plays an important role but the setting of the adventures which are told is particularly innovative in that it only keeps a minimal and purely ornamental role for the supernatural elements of traditional epic: The divine is reduced to insubstantiality and God is a hidden God.This stems from the fact that the spirit of the chanson de geste was re-interpreted insofar as was possible in the pre-humanist conception. Henceforth the epic hero had similarities to storybook characters and the psychological depth he acquired conferred him a new status that of a man placed in the centre of the world. The political project of Nicolas of Verona was of an astonishing modernity and advocated a true democracy in the image of the freedom of the Roman Republic. The moral sense of the work reserves a central role for caution by making it the foundation of every fair and just action.The philosophical sense of the text is in itself totally original: the author reconciles classical Christian virtues and neo-stoic wisdom. Thus, humility becomes ascesism and the heroic death of the martyr for his faith is allied to that of an ancient sage. The demand for restraint and the determination to be surprised by nothing (nihil mirari), far from the epic fortitudo, as well as the respect for the nature of man appear as new imperatives. Nicolas of Verona doesn't deny the difficulty of such an ideal and sets it along side that of the absolute virtue of the sage for purely human domestic wisdom and a parenetic. The moral is of the essence. ; Nicolas de Vérone est un poète franco-italien du XIVe siècle, courtisan de Nicolas Ier d'Este, à qui il dédicace, en 1343, une de ses œuvres. Il a écrit 3 poèmes épiques de forme métrique identique mais d'inspirations profondément différentes : la Pharsale (3166 vers) raconte la guerre armée qui opposa César et Pompée en Thessalie pour la maîtrise de Rome, la Prise de Pampelune, ou Continuation de l'Entrée d'Espagne (6116 vers), est un récit qui se rattache à la tradition des aventures de Roland et de Charlemagne en Espagne avant la défaite de Roncevaux et la Passion (994 vers) narre les derniers jours de la vie du Christ.Ces 3 chansons de geste sont rédigées en franco-italien, cette langue hybride purement littéraire et probablement jamais parlée qui permet aux auteurs italiens d'adapter la geste et les héros français à un public aristocratique et bourgeois d'une Italie du Nord déjà pré-humaniste. Chacune puise son contenu à des sources clairement identifiées : les Fet des Romains, compilation française d'histoire ancienne du XIIe siècle, l'Entrée d'Espagne, épopée carolingienne d'un anonyme Padouan, la Chronique de Turpin et les Evangiles, auxquels il convient d'ajouter quelques légendes apocryphes largement répandues au Moyen Age.Les thématiques sont classiques et la lutte armée y occupe une place de choix mais le cadre des aventures narrées est singulièrement novateur en ce qu'il ne conserve aux différents éléments surnaturels de la tradition épique qu'une place minime et purement ornementale : le divin se réduit jusqu'à l'inconsistance et Dieu est un Dieu caché.Cela vient du fait que l'esprit de la chanson de geste est réinterprété à l'aune des conceptions pré-humanistes : le héros épique s'apparente désormais à un personnage romanesque et l'épaisseur psychologique qu'il gagne lui confère un statut nouveau d'homme placé au centre du monde. Le projet politique de Nicolas de Vérone est d'une étonnante modernité et prône une véritable démocratie, à l'image de la République romaine des libertés. Le sens moral de l'œuvre réserve à la prudence une place centrale en en faisant le fondement de toute action juste et droite.C'est que le sens philosophique des textes est lui-même tout à fait inédit : l'auteur concilie les vertus chrétiennes classiques et une sagesse néo-stoïcienne. Ainsi, l'humilité se fait ascèse et la mort héroïque du martyr de la foi s'apparente aux exemples des sages antiques. L'exigence de modération et la volonté de ne s'étonner de rien (nihil mirari) bien loin de la fortitudo épique, ainsi que le respect de sa nature apparaissent comme des impératifs nouveaux. Nicolas de Vérone ne nie pas la difficulté d'un tel idéal et réserve une place, à côté de la vertu absolue du sage, pour une sagesse domestique purement humaine et une parénétique. La morale s'est faite optative.

El final del siglo XX y los inicios del siglo XXI contemplan la ofensiva final de grandes teorías belicistas y de renovados escenarios de guerra. La nueva globalización se intenta construir sobre criterios de agresión y competencia. Todo está inserto en un juego de exclusiones y de eliminaciones ya sean mercantiles, económicas, culturales, políticas o bélicas. Los derechos pierden terreno ante los criterios. La razón de Estado cede ante la razón Democrática. El criterio de la cantidad se impone ante la calidad.La construcción del Estado Social contempló, desde la década de los cincuenta, una construcción de escenarios jurídicos y populares que garantizaban un máximo de derechos que abrían la vía para generar un modelo social renovado. La energía de la sociedad civil-popular desarrolló en torno a finales de los años sesenta vías y modelos que podían suponer un salto cualitativo. Esta explosión fue también una explosión jurídica. Explosión ius-jurídica que comenzó a producir sofisticados instrumentos jurídico-políticos del que el derecho a la paz o al desarrollo son los mejores ejemplos. Sin embargo también vino la reacción de elites y grupos de presión políticos, económicos y académicos que, desde mediados de los años setenta, jugaron a la contra introduciendo los paradigmas "gobernabilidad" y "seguridad". Sus estrategias generaron una implosión que produjo una disminución brusca del modelo de Estado Constitucional Democrático fundamentalmente hacia dentro del Estado nacional. No obstante no pudieron impedir que la lógica ius-humanista siguiera dando frutos en el ámbito de la construcción jurídica internacional. Sólo ya durante la década de los 90 y principios del siglo XXI las estrategias fatales de la seguridad y la gobernabilidad estarían imponiendo sus criterios de excepcionalidad jurídica y violencia política bajo la inspiración de determinados think-tank internacionales.Ante la anterior ofensiva excepcionalista, la reivindicación y lucha por un derecho colectivo tal como el derecho a la paz es pieza fundamental en la lucha por la reconquista de los espacios de libertad y por el modelo de democracia deliberativa. Derecho a la paz sobre el que trabajar en el ámbito internacional pero también para trasladar a los diferentes marcos jurídicos estatales. En este sentido se hace necesaria la reivindicación de un Derecho Constitucional que regule todas las posibles acciones emprendidas por un Estado en torno a los conflictos: desde la entrada abierta en conflictos bélicos de muy diferente textura hasta el comercio de armamento. Derecho que establezca una serie de controles rigurosos y exhaustivos. Un ius ante bellum, eminentemente constitucional, debe ser un material esencial en la lucha por el derecho a la paz y el control democrático de los instrumentos bélicos y coercitivos en manos de un Estado. Máxime en una época donde se desustancian derechos y elementos fundamentales del Estado Constitucional… ; The end of XX century and the start of XXI one are being witness of the final offensive of great warmonger theories and refurbished battlefield scenarios. Trying to build the new globalisation upon aggression and competition criteria. Everything is inserted into the set of exclusions and eliminations, they could be mercantile, economic, cultural, politic or war ones. Rights are loosing ground in favour of criteria. The reason of State relents in front of Democratic reason. Quantity is imposed to quality.Since the 1950's, the building of a Social State envisaged the construction of juridical and popular scenarios, granting the maximum rights. It opened the way towards a renovated social model. Ending the1960's, the energy emanated of the civil-popular society developed paths and models that could suppose a qualitative leap forward. This explosion was a juridical explosion also. Ius-juridical explosion starts to produce sophisticated juridical-political tools, being the right to peace and the right to development the better examples. However, a reaction followed; it came from politic, economic and academic lobbies alongside with the elites that in the mid-1970's playing against it, introducing the "governability" and "security" paradigms. The implosion, generated by such strategies, brought up an abrupt decline of the "Constitutional Democratic State" model. Mainly inside of the Nation-State. Nevertheless, they cannot avoid the fruits produced by the ius-humanistic logic in the field of a juridical international-building. Only during the1990's and the start of XXI century, the fatal strategies of "security" and "governability" are imposing its criteria of juridical exceptionality and political violence drawing inspiration from certain international think-tanks.Before the mentioned exceptionalist offensive, the struggle and claim for a collective right to peace was a essential piece in the fight for take over the spaces of freedom and for the model of deliberative democracy. The "right to peace" must be worked out by the international community and therefore, to be incorporated in the state legislations. From this point of view, to lay claim to a Constitutional Law that regulates all possible actions that could be carried out by a State related to conflicts (since the open participation in armed conflicts up to armament trade) is very necessary. Such a regulation would be based on rigorous and strict controls. Anius ante bellum, fundamentally constitutional, provides essential stuff to fight for the "right to peace" and democratic control of the security and military powers of a State. Specially at present time, when the fundamental rights and elements of the Constitutional State have been altered, loosing its substance.

Despite the fact that in recent years the Government of Bangladesh has invested substantially and initiated numbers of multi-sector and multilevel institutional and programmatic reforms to improve the health of the poor and women, the health status of the poor in Bangladesh is one of the worst in the world. In this context this thesis aims to answer do health reform policies benefit the poor? In order to address the central research question, from a bottom-up critical perspective, it aims to understand the impact of the health sector reform on state and society in Bangladesh. In doing so, thesis moves on with several assumptions. First, health is political. Second, reform is political because it involves restructuring of institutions, and restructuring of institutions creates reconfiguration of power relations in the society. Thus, health reform is profoundly a political process. Consequently, the third: the impact of health reform policy is also political which falls unevenly on the poor. The thesis assumes that the public policy process is an interactive phenomenon which suggests that the various phases of policy process, from agenda setting to evaluation, are embedded to each other and one can influence, at any point of time, outcome of the other. Based on these assumptions, I argue, whether the poor will gain any benefit, what and how much, from any reform policy is conditioned by the nature of the politics of the country. I argue, because of being a defective democracy, there has democratic deficit been grown in the policy arenas in general, and health sector in particular in Bangladesh. Therefore, it has been relatively easy for the hegemonic coalition to persuade and expand their ideas and interest through state policies. This means, the hegemonic policy coalition of health bureaucrats and professionals, donors, political leaders and NGO professionals by manipulating the democratic deficit of the state shapes the problem definition, influences policy goals and strategies based on their neoliberal ideological roots. Thus, the policy or organizational changes that are introduced under the reform are components of New Public Management. As a result, when the reform policy is implemented it protects and reproduces the interests and ideas and unequal power relation of the hegemonic coalition as the impact, thus the poor remain marginalized, excluded. Therefore, the benefit of the reform likely to remain limited within the narrow conception of health i.e. medical services; but the poor remains denied accessing the political benefit. I further argue, depending on actor's constellation in the hegemony, elite's interest, political context and embedded institutions the same reform program can produce different types of impacts on different part of a society. The study is inductive, multidisciplinary and heuristic in nature and thus, organized as a case study research design; however, within the framework of case study design, elements of experimental design have been well mingled. The study takes pluralism and neo-institutionalism as its explanatory paradigm. In conclusion the study finds, the health reform has produced positive impact in the area of maternal and child health, health knowledge, access and responsiveness. In other words, it has brought improvements only in the area of health of the poor which are allowed by the dominant health professional's perspectives. As a result, the whole health agenda has been reduced into reproductive health. No impact has been felt on the collective dimension of human agency. Health rights, consumer rights, participation and accountability have not also been addressed through the reform program. The service users were considered as passive receiver of advices and drugs; their human agencies were not taken into account. No major difference is found between NGO and local government in most of the aspects with respect to their impact which implies the NGOs and local government agency does not have any qualitative difference in their approach to the health of the poor they both showed their institutional loyalty to the hegemonic perception of health. Evidence showed, because of a particular nature of the state and weak state-society relations through political parties, the dominant coalition of doctors, donors, bureaucrats and NGOs are influencing the policy process and getting their interests through. Evidence also showed that the policy taken by that hegemonic coalition only allows some limited, reduced services to the poor without allowing them to take part in decision making processes so that the existing uneven power relation remain unchanged. As a result, the poor gained some health benefit but no impact on the social, political determinants of health has been made, in other words political benefit is very low. The evidence also showed that if actors in the coalition represent some political representative institutions, can produce higher political benefits that could make health outcome sustainable. This study also exposed the very paradoxical nature of the neoliberal reform. Through the reform process, in one hand state is getting smaller; on the other hand it is extending control over social organizations. The reform disintegrated the previous hierarchical service structure and instead, in the process of reform implementation, an interdependent service network of actors emerges. The neoliberal health reform reduces power of conventional political institutions such as political parties, local government bodies, and local political leaders and gives more power to the non-state and non-political actors. As a result, the poor will suffer more because, the traditional political leaders were closer to people inefficient though; on the other new non-state actors are efficient but do not have the capacity to bridge gap between the people and service providers.