Suchergebnisse

The primary aim of this project is to build on the existing empirical knowledge base by disaggregating gendered data to the municipal level in Vancouver, Winnipeg, and Toronto from 1992-2018. Despite considerable literature on women's representation in Canada, gendered data on Canadian municipal elections remains fragmented and inconsistently codified. This makes it challenging for researchers to compare results across datasets, ultimately decreasing the overall pace and transparency of research. Therefore, a secondary aim of this project is to construct the skeleton for a relational database to store gendered data on Canadian municipal elections. No comparable database exists in the Canadian context that both disaggregates results to the municipal level and uses a relational model. Ultimately, this project organizes gendered data on 2,676 cases of candidates participating in municipal elections, representing 1,988 individual candidates. Finally, this paper reports basic descriptive and exploratory findings to provide suggestions for future research.

The primary aim of this project is to build on the existing empirical knowledge base by disaggregating gendered data to the municipal level in Vancouver, Winnipeg, and Toronto from 1992-2018. Despite considerable literature on women's representation in Canada, gendered data on Canadian municipal elections remains fragmented and inconsistently codified. This makes it challenging for researchers to compare results across datasets, ultimately decreasing the overall pace and transparency of research. Therefore, a secondary aim of this project is to construct the skeleton for a relational database to store gendered data on Canadian municipal elections. No comparable database exists in the Canadian context that both disaggregates results to the municipal level and uses a relational model. Ultimately, this project organizes gendered data on 2,676 cases of candidates participating in municipal elections, representing 1,988 individual candidates. Finally, this paper reports basic descriptive and exploratory findings to provide suggestions for future research.

Objective: understanding the social representation of women about cervical cancer and its implications for
care of themselves. Method: this is a qualitative study of a descriptive approach that used as a theoretical
role the social representations, taking the interview as a technique for data collection of information. We
worked with 35 outpatient women of a referral public hospital in oncology. Results: within the dialogs it
was observed that the concept of cervical cancer was closely related to the feeling factor, leading fear and
sadness. The evidences also showed that women focused on sexuality and treatment as a life change along
the disease. Conclusion: cancer of the cervix produces a great change of life in women who passed through
the problem, not just by the physical factors, but quite by the subjective side in fighting the disease.

This article analyses the relationship between the representatives and the represented by comparing elite and mass attitudes to gender equality and women's representation in Britain. In so doing, the authors take up arguments in the recent theoretical literature on representation that question the value of empirical research of Pitkin's distinction between substantive and descriptive representation. They argue that if men and women have different attitudes at the mass level, which are reproduced amongst political elites, then the numerical under-representation of women may have negative implications for women's substantive representation. The analysis is conducted on the British Election Study (BES) and the British Representation Study (BRS) series.

In this study, it can be seen that the role of fellow women in supporting women to be involved in the political realm is a factor that can increase the value of women in women's involvement in politics in the Indramayu Regency. This research is descriptive qualitative research by describing the findings from various literature and previous studies in answering the research results. The survey results show that solidarity among women in increasing women's political participation in Indramayu Regency comes from a sense of unity among women who are members of a young women's organization called Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama in fighting for women's rights. Friendship among women in Indramayu Regency is a form of strength between women who support politics by empowering women in the Indramayu Regency. Mutual trust among women in Indramayu Regency is an essential point in women's courage to join the world of politics. The interests that are fought for by women in Indramayu Regency are to advance women in various fields, including education, health, economy, social welfare, legal awareness, political education, and women's empowerment in Indramayu Regency. Empowering women can develop their potential and change a healthier political climate, and prepare women who are strong in politics, culture, economy, and education. This research limit is only looking at women's solidarity in supporting women's representation in politics in Indramayu Regency.

The city of Oslo has established a council of immigrant organisations (CIO). The city has designed CIO to have a double mandate: one from the city of Oslo and one from the immigrant organisations. The question raised in this article is how the city of Oslo's design of CIO has an impact on its form of representation, its activities and its political position within local government. The article finds that CIO can legitimately claim to be a local council as the local authorities decide its main tasks and appoint the leader. CIO can also claim to be democratically representative as it is elected by the immigrant organisations. This gives CIO a choice of action, which it has used to develop its own activities independently of the city of Oslo and the organisations it represents. CIO's activities are mainly to change the underlying majority way of thinking in the established state and municipal institutions, with the aim of adapting them to the minorities' lives and cultures. Moreover, the article finds that the local authorities cannot implement a redesign without approval from CIO members. The authorities may decide to close CIO down by arguing that it does not produce the expected results, but this is problematic as long as CIO also is a descriptive representative council. The article concludes that CIO's design gives it an ambiguous form of representation and choice of action, and that the political attempts to steer CIO confirms its ambiguous position within the local government. ; This is a postprint version of a published article. The original is available at www.springerlink.com

AbstractIn this paper we approach, from a different angle than previous research, the question of whether gains in descriptive representation for African Americans result in losses in substantive representation. By looking at how the presence of African Americans has changed Congress over time, we assess the long-term impact of electing more African Americans to Congress on substantive representation. Specifically, we content analyze House floor debates on civil rights legislation, from 1957 to 1991, and find that Black members have influenced how White members talk about civil rights.

Because of the global scale and diversity of their work, international aid agencies face major problems when attempting to represent their plans and evaluate their achievements. In this second of two articles looking at types of change processes, the focus is on complex processes of change that include mutual influence, parallel processes and feedback loops. Four practically oriented arguments are put forward for using a network perspective to represent these processes: the broad applicability of a network framework, its scalability, the range of measurement and descriptive tools available and the multidisciplinary body of theory and research available to inform agencies' theories of change. Networks are then contrasted with hierarchies as background metaphors, and implications are identified for the monitoring and evaluation of development projects. In this article relevant examples have been drawn from the author's consultancy experience with development aid programmes in Bangladesh and Ghana.

The church-funded CARFO or KARFO (Afrikaans Christian Filmmaking Organisation) was established in 1947, and aimed to '[socialise] the newly urbanized Afrikaner into a Christian urban society' (Tomaselli 1985:25; Paleker 2009:45). This initiative was supported and sustained by the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), which had itself been part of the sociopolitical and ideological fabric of Afrikaans religious life for a while and would guide Afrikaners through tensions between religious conservatism and liberalism and into apartheid. Given Afrikaans cinema's ties with Christian religious and political conservatism, we explore the role – even the centrality – of the Afrikaans church in cultural activity before 1994, and then after 1994. Here, Afrikaans church is an inclusive term that brings together various denominations of Afrikaans-speaking churches, but which mainly suggests the domination of the DRC. After establishing the role of the Afrikaans church in the way described above, we move towards the primary focus of our study: exploring the representation of clergy in the contemporary Afrikaans film Faan se Trein in order to describe certain theological implications of this representation. With reference to Faan se Trein, our article notes and comments on the shifts that have occurred in clergy representation in Afrikaans cinema over the past decades. Osmer's four tasks of practical theology, namely, descriptive, interpretive, normative and strategic are used for theological reflection. With due contextual reference to Afrikaans film dramas such as Broer Matie [Brother Matie], Saak van Geloof [A Matter of Faith], Roepman [Stargazer], Stilte [Silence], Suiderkruis [Southern Cross] and Faan se Trein, we arrive at some preliminary conclusions about the representation of clergy in mainly contemporary Afrikaans cinema. ; This article is published in the section Practical Theology of the Society for Practical Theology in South Africa. ; http://www.hts.org.za ; am2019 ; Drama

Studies of representation are widespread in the congressional literature, with recent work focusing on both descriptive and substantive representation of various minority groups. The authors focus on religious representation in Congress, examining the extent to which senators' own religious affiliation and the relative size of their religious constituencies affect substantive representation of Religious Right interests. The authors find that Christian senators (evangelical Protestants, conservative Catholics, and Mormons alike) provide better representation of the Religious Right, as do senators from states with larger Christian constituencies. The findings demonstrate that substantive representation is the product of characteristics of both the representatives and the represented.

Substantive and descriptive representation of racial minorities bolsters the legitimacy of governmental institutions. Prior research on the judicial branch has examined what factors influence the proportion of minorities on U.S. district courts. However, there are no quantitative analyses on what factors affect presidential decisions to nominate minorities for seats on the U.S. courts of appeals. The U.S. courts of appeals are effectively the courts of last resort for nearly all federal cases. Drawing on data from a variety of sources, I show that these decisions are strategic, primarily reflecting presidents' own ideology and minority representation in the U.S. House of Representatives.

Abstract Background Health care decision makers often need to make decisions in limited timeframes and cannot await the completion of a full evidence review. Rapid reviews (RRs), utilizing streamlined systematic review methods, are increasingly being used to synthesize the evidence with a shorter turnaround time. Our primary objective was to describe the processes and methods used internationally to produce RRs. In addition, we sought to understand the underlying themes associated with these programs. Methods We contacted representatives of international RR programs from a broad realm in health care to gather information about the methods and processes used to produce RRs. The responses were summarized narratively to understand the characteristics associated with their processes and methods. The summaries were compared and contrasted to highlight potential themes and trends related to the different RR programs. Results Twenty-nine international RR programs were included in our sample with a broad organizational representation from academia, government, research institutions, and non-for-profit organizations. Responses revealed that the main objectives for RRs were to inform decision making with regards to funding health care technologies, services and policy, and program development. Central themes that influenced the methods used by RR programs, and report type and dissemination were the imposed turnaround time to complete a report, resources available, the complexity and sensitivity of the research topics, and permission from the requestor. Conclusions Our study confirmed that there is no standard approach to conduct RRs. Differences in processes and methods across programs may be the result of the novelty of RR methods versus other types of evidence syntheses, customization of RRs for various decision makers, and definition of 'rapid' by organizations, since it impacts both the timelines and the evidence synthesis methods. Future research should investigate the impact of current RR methods and reporting to support informed health care decision making, the effects of potential biases that may be introduced with streamlined methods, and the effectiveness of RR reporting guidelines on transparency.

Scholars frequently invoke the term "women of color" (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gender politics concerned with descriptive representation and the extent of coethnic voting and gender affinity effects. Using original public opinion data, we draw on theories of intersectionality and social identity to hypothesize about how different subgroups of women respond to the prospect of electing more WOC to Congress. Consistent with group differences in the historic processes of racialization, our findings reveal considerable complexity within the WOC umbrella. Even within this complexity, we found that black and white women are the most distinctive in their preference for electing WOC. We contribute to the gender and race fields by identifying WOC as a politicized identity, and thus complicate and expand the study of descriptive representation.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Puzzles of Male Dominance in Central and Eastern Europe -- 1.2 Conceptualising Male Dominance -- 1.3 The Selection of the Country Case Studies -- 1.4 The Structure of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: Establishing Male Dominance: Descriptive, Substantive and Symbolic Representation -- 2.1 The Actors: The Communist (Successor) Parties and the Anti-communist Opposition -- 2.2 Male Over-Representation in Transitional Settings -- 2.3 Repertoires of Symbolic Representation -- 2.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Candidate Selection and Male Dominance in Europe's New Democracies -- 3.1 Candidate Recruitment in Post-communist Europe -- 3.2 The Supply of Candidates for Legislative Office -- 3.3 Party Ideology and Male Over-representation in Politics -- 3.4 The Voters -- 3.5 Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 4: Reproducing Male Dominance: The Role of Incumbency -- 4.1 Incumbency in Post-communist Europe: An Overview -- 4.2 The Gendered Effects of Variation in Incumbency in Post-communist Europe -- 4.3 Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 5: Reproducing Male Dominance: The Role of Electoral Systems -- 5.1 The Electoral Systems of Post-communist Europe: An Overview -- 5.2 Mixed Versus PR Systems -- 5.3 Closed-List Versus Open-List PR -- 5.4 The Impact of Electoral System Reform -- 5.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: Reproducing Male Dominance: Asymmetric Institutionalisation in New Democracies -- 6.1 Conceptualising Asymmetric Institutionalisation -- 6.2 Asymmetric Institutionalisation and the Opportunities for State Feminism -- 6.3 Asymmetric Institutionalisation and Competitive Politics -- 6.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 7: Breaking Male Dominance: Institutional Change in New Democracies -- 7.1 Gender Quotas