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Abstract This paper proposes a new approach to the classification of Developmental States (DS) based on their public efforts to foster human development. We conceptualize DS within a multidimensional framework that includes three main dimensions (economic, social and democratic), and run a hierarchical cluster analysis for 112 countries in order to build a multidimensional taxonomy of ds. We propose a country-classification and characterize three country-groups with different developmental public efforts: i) the human development States; ii) the unbalanced developmental States and iii) the non-developmental States. Our multidimensional taxonomy offers a more complex understanding of the variety of public efforts devoted to promote human development, thus overcoming the restricted -economical- conception of DS, which is mainly focused to the East Asian region.

The developmental state has become a popular definition used to discuss the "China Model". Based on the developmental state, various definitions have originated. Concepts such as new developmental states and neo-developmentalism are widely applied to describe Chinese development. This paper summarizes representative opinions in examining China from the perspective of the developmental state, and reevaluates the specificity and characteristics of the Chinese developmental state in terms of structural dynamism. We believe that the developmental state as a concept is not precisely defined. Instead, its application and extension must incorporate considerations of historical specificity and subject continuity. Considering such initial constraints as politics, economics, and military conditions, China differs significantly from other classic examples of East Asian developmental states. Consequently, China would also face different developmental paths, directions, corresponding policies, and measures from those of other developmental states. The East Asian experiences of developmental states only offer limited scope for reference. Still, in terms of effective integration between markets, governments, and societies, their experiences and lessons prove worthy for consideration and reflection.

This article aims to examine the impact of globalization to developmental state model as practiced in South Korean. The model, which requires a high state intervention in economic development process, in a great tension with spririt of democratization and economic liberalization or minimal state intervention embedded in globalization. Contrary to commonly assumed, this article argues that the developmental state to retain state's critical role in economic development, yet it shall improve its transparency dan democratic policy-making.

This chapter puts the developmental state in its place theoretically and historically and proposes an alternative account of recent changes in the role of developmental states in East Asia. It reinterprets the developmental state in terms of the state's commitment to promoting the economic and extra-economic conditions for catch-up competitiveness and notes that such actions have at least a 500-year history starting in Europe. Because the frontiers and horizons of catch-up competitiveness change, the modes of governance adopted by states also change. On this basis the chapter presents a political economy of the East Asian developmental state, based on critical state theory and the regulation approach; analyses its crisis-tendencies in its 'classic' form of the Listian workfare national state; and indicates how East Asian states are adapting to the rise of the knowledge-based economy as the currently hegemonic economic imaginary and to finance-dominated accumulation (also known as financialization) as the currently dominant accumulation regime on a world scale. The chapter ends with some remarks on the research agenda that follows from this approach.

The record of successful developmental states in East Asia and the partial successes of developmental states in Latin America suggest several common preconditions for effective state intervention including a Weberian bureaucracy, monitoring of implementation, reciprocity (subsidies in exchange for performance), and collaborative relations between government and business. Although Brazil failed to develop the high technology manufacturing industry and exports that have fueled sustained growth in East Asia, its developmental state had a number of important, and often neglected, successes, especially in steel, automobiles, mining, ethanol, and aircraft manufacturing. Where Brazil's developmental state was less successful was in promoting sectors like information technology and nuclear energy, as well as overall social and regional equality. In addition, some isolated initiatives by state governments were also effective in promoting particular local segments of industry and agriculture. Comparisons with East Asia, highlight the central role of state enterprises in Brazil that in effect internalized monitoring and reciprocity and bypassed collaboration between business and government (that was overall rarer in Brazil).

This paper reviews Finland's growth strategy in the postwar decades. Finland was able to initiate an impressive mobilization of resources during this period, reflected mostly in a high rate of capital accumulation for manufacturing industries. This was achieved by an unorthodox combination of dirigiste means and a basic commitment to upholding the market economy. The state acted as a net saver, and credit was rationed to productive investment outlays. This policy package may have been boosted by the country's precarious international position during the cold war, so that an economic failure would have been very risky indeed. We argue also that incomes policies and welfare reforms were important in sustaining the necessary political compromise that underpinned the Finnish development state.

Modern higher education in Ethiopia has a short history of a little over six decades. Over the past two decades there have been tremendous reforms that aimed at expanding and modernizing the higher education subsector to enable it make meaningful contributions for the country s development. On the other hand, in the past decade there has been a lot of debate on the nature of the Ethiopian developmental state. However, all the debates are focused on economic issues, leaving education out of the picture. It is against this background that this study attempts to shade a light on the nature of the Ethiopian higher education taking the perspective of the developmental state paradigm. Using the method of document analysis the findings of the study indicate that the Ethiopian higher education has strong indicia of the developmental state concept. The main characteristics of the Ethiopian higher education such as strong state control, central admission process, focus on certain priority areas, massive expansion, emphasis on technology transfer and using higher education to serve non economic national agendas typically correspond with that of developmental states. The study has also identified some inconsistencies and shortcomings. For instance the Ethiopian higher education falls short in terms of institutional diversity, adequacy of research on technology transfer, and the role of the private sector. Finally, some implications are highlighted that pinpoint the areas where more detailed policy research are necessary.

This contribution explores the importance of independent organizations in authoritarian regimes. While some authoritarian governments delegate policy tasks to (relatively) autonomous agencies simply in order to improve their domestic or international image as modern political leaders or to build up democratic facades to conceal the actual nature of their regime, other political leaders do so in order to make their genuine commitment to economic growth and development more credible. This relates to the central questions of this paper: Why do political elites in authoritarian regimes craft, or accept the emergence of, (relatively) independent organizations? Which specific forms and functions of these organizations can be identified? The main observation of this paper is that authoritarian governments of so-called developmental states have effectively used (relatively) independent organizations in order to implement market-oriented reforms, to improve private-sector coordination, and to foster economic growth and development in the long run.

Die gedruckte Ausg. ist im Rainer Hampp Verlag, München, Mering (www.Hampp-Verlag.de) erschienen.

A recent series of studies have been dealing with the dynamics behind the building of developmental states in Africa. This working paper is a contribution for that debate by looking at the experience of the Korean developmental state and the lessons that Africa can learn from this Asian country's experience seen as an outstanding model of economic development. Despite poor resource endowment and a large population, a colonial legacy, the devastation following a civil war, persistent political instability, and the lingering military confrontation with her northern neighbour, Korea's role in the international economic system has rapidly increased in importance since the 1960s. For nearly five decades, Korea has achieved a remarkable economic performance that transformed the country from a typical case of a developing nation trapped in a "vicious circle of underdevelopment", into one of the largest economies in the late 1990s. Beneath the economic success lied a system of "socialisation of private risk", a particular mode of organising the market, as the "visible hand" of a strong, bureaucratic and developmental state were able to accelerate the pace of economic growth by identifying strategic industrial sectors, making discretionary allocation of resources to those sectors, and minimising the collective action dilemmas pervasive in most developing countries. But the Korean state, as any other state, is a political realm that encompasses distinct, contending and at times colliding actors. In fact, the Korean developmental state provides us clues about the role that leadership play and what stands at the "heart of a politics of economic growth". Policy choices and implementation rest on the strategies designed by the rulers to boost their political legitimacy, to strengthen their power, and to guarantee regime survival. Strategies are not only a product of institutional opportunities and constraints, but also of history, context, coalition politics and ideological templates involving the actors at the time of action. This paper will discuss the role played by President Park Chung-Hee (1961-1979) in building a bureaucratic-developmental state and what African countries can learn from these leadership experiences in terms of its own development path.

A basic intellectual challenge for those concerned with the poverty of nations is to come to grips with the nature and causes of the wealth of the world's wealthier nations. One might then be in a position to inform the poorer nations how they might achieve similar outcomes. This paper is organized around what I call the theory of innovative enterprise, a perspective derived from the historical and comparative study of the development of the advanced economies. The theory of innovative enterprise provides the essential analytical link between entrepreneurship and development. Section 2 offers, as a point of departure, a contrast between entrepreneurship in rich and poor nations. Section 3 outlines the theory of the innovating firm in which entrepreneurship has a role to play. Section 4 identifies the roles of entrepreneurship in new firm formation in terms of the types of strategy, organization, and finance that innovation requires, and emphasizes the disappearance of entrepreneurship with the growth of the firm. In Section 5 I argue that, in the advanced economies, successful entrepreneurship in knowledge intensive industries has depended heavily upon a combination of business allocation of resources to innovative investment strategies, and government investment in the knowledge base, state sponsored protection of markets and intellectual property rights, and state subsidies to support these business strategies. One cannot understand national economic development without understanding the role of the developmental state. At the same time, the specific agenda and ultimate success of the developmental state cannot be understood in abstraction from the dynamics of innovative enterprise. It is through the interaction of the innovative enterprise and the developmental state that entrepreneurial activity inserts itself into the economic system to contribute to the process of economic development.

Under Jokowi, Indonesia's foreign policy towards Africa has become more pragmatic through a multi-bilateral scheme, the Indonesia-Africa Forum, launched in April 2018. Despite the overwhelming economic diplomacy discourse, in reality, Indonesia's African foreign policy reveals the need for expansion of the Indonesian developmental state to serve its highest interests relating to regime stability, sovereignty, security or political legitimacy. Economic development and thus the African expansion serve this raison d'État. Africa offers a playground for Indonesia to showcase its developmental success, notably in infrastructure. The continent could also help Indonesia with great power management by offering a new kind of leverage; while being part of Indonesia's road to great power itself. Indonesia will need to raise its intellectual game and knowledge of Africa; and of the mechanisms and reasons of its strategic importance.

As a multi-cultural country with a British colonial past hosting many different ethnic groups including Westerners, Singapore juggles with the often conflicting forces of Westernization (holding the promise of economic prosperity) and Asianization (holding the promise of a distinct cultural identity). Although the endorsement of 'Asian values' by Singapore political leaders such as Lee Kuan Yew may be seen as a mere rhetoric device to either explain ethnic Chinese business success or the Asian crisis, the question needs to be raised as to the ways in which the Asian Values discourse affects both Western and Asian MNCs operating in Singapore. In order to address this question, this article investigates the participation of a European-Japanese joint venture in a large government-sponsored reclamation project in Singapore. It is a rather unique situation in which the state as paymaster has the upper hand over the partners. The investigation shows that reference to 'Asian values' is a significant boundary-marking strategy used by both the Singapore government and the joint venture partners to manipulate the power balances in this triangular relationship. The outcome is more often than not advantageous for the Singapore state. © 2005 Taylor & Francis.

The debate about developmental states raises numerous conceptual and contextual questions. Beginning with a critical reflection on the export of "developmental states model" from Asia to Africa, this paper—which considers the emergence of developmental states—explores questions of increasing significanceacross Sub-Saharan Africa: What might "developmental states model" actually mean in post-colonial Africa? How much component does the concept of developmental states have? How can we relate this discussion about each developmental state within the wider debate about developmental states in Sub-Saharan Africa? How does it engage with local cultures and civil society? This article addresses these questions by providing the conceptual explanations of developmental states as well as their features, before considering the potency of culture and civil society. It further explains the conditions that favour the emergence of developmental state in Botswana. The article will argue that the conditions that have significantly favoured Botswana"s post-colonial economic success are: legitimate state-apparatus, good governance and democracy, commercial customs, strong property rights, and inter-ethnic harmony. The article concludes that the peculiar case of Botswana"s success is not only located in its economic system but also, in particular, in its culture (Tswana) which was developed before and during the colonial period. This particular factor has significantly helped other factors in shaping Botswana"s post-colonial developmental accomplishments.

Working paper on INCAS blog : https://incas.hypotheses.org/ ; The role of the state and public agencies has come to the fore again since the global financial crisis to spur innovation-led growth. Alimented by the success of global tech giants in particular, new policy rationales emerged in favor of government support for ICT startups. The paper addresses the crucial question of whether the corresponding organizational capabilities do exist to implement such policies. This article focuses on the case of South Korea, renowned at the same time for the strong capacities of the state and an institutional setting hostile to new ventures. The main contribution of the paper is to analyze institutional change within the Korean innovation bureaucracy and the evolution of its organizational capabilities, underpinning the startup promotion policies implemented since 2013. Under the appearance of continuity of state innovation capacities, the startup promotion policies foster a restructuring of the public infrastructure supporting the corporate sector. The results, drawn upon an extensive fieldwork in the Korean startup ecosystem, indicate that there is a loss of state capacities, which impede on the implementation of large-scale promotion of the manufacturing industries.