Resumen: Este artículo presenta los resultados preliminares de un proyecto que rastrea la evolución histórica de los sistemas electorales en 21 países de América. La primera sección revisa la literatura existente sobre el tema y resume los objetivos del proyecto. En la segunda sección los autores describen el enfoque adoptado y la información recolectada. La tercera parte ofrece una clasificación de los sistemas electorales de América para el período 1900-2004. En la cuarta sección los autores describen la evolución histórica de los sistemas electorales, y concluyen con una hipótesis de trabajo que postula la afinidad entre el presidencialismo autoritario y los procedimientos que distorsionan la proporcionalidad. En el apéndice se ofrece un sumario de la información recolectada por el proyecto hasta el momento. ; Abstract: This article presents the preliminary results of a project which search the historical evolution of the electoral systems of 21 American countries. The first section checks the literature on this issue and summarizes the project objectives. In the second section the authors describe the adopted perspective and the collected information. The third part offers a classification of the American electoral systems for the 1900-2004 period. In the fourth section the authors describe the historical evolution of the electoral systems, and conclude with a hypothesis which suggests the affinity between the authoritarian presidentialism and non proportional mechanisms. On the appendix the authors offers a summary of the information recollected by the project.
The Spanish electoral system is sufficiently heterogeneous in that inequality between relevant regions in the study yields political consequences. We propose the distinction of three subsystems election and find that they have different effects on the party system, in terms of fragmentation and proportionality. Moreover, inequality in the size of constituencies induces most differentiated awards, while inequality in the apportionment of seats also induces distinct overrepresentation awards. Both factors accumulate in the prize location of the votes which translates into a conservative partisan bias. Adapted from the source document.
13 p. ; El presente trabajo invita al lector a hacer un recorrido por la historia de la política electoral colombiana. Retomamos las teorías clásicas sobre la conformación de los sistemas electorales –Sartori-, para analizar el proceso de transformación que sufrió Colombia desde finales de la década de 1950 hasta la reforma constitucional del año 2003. Entendemos que estas reformas fueron el marco que permitieron el paso de un bipartidismo a un multipartidismo moderado. El análisis de la Constitución de 1991 nos permite dar cuenta de las diferentes disrupciones sociales que se sucedieron en el campo social y político de dicho país. En este sentido, focalizaremos el análisis en el proceso de configuración de los nuevos actores políticos relevantes, como los movimientos sociales y los movimientos antisistema y, a la vez, su relación con los partidos dominantes. --
El estudio de los sistemas electorales ocupa un lugar central dentro de la ciencia política argentina. A partir de ellos, comenzó una nueva línea de investigación que buscaba transparentar las diferencias de género en política y el rol de los sistemas electorales. Las producciones al respecto demuestran un claro lineamiento con las posturas institucionalistas, donde lo importante es analizar cómo afectan las reglas, normas o conductas sociales a los diferentes actores políticos. Ello nos permite realizar un racconto de lo sucedido dentro de la disciplina argentina y pensar los caminos futuros. En este trabajo, se analizará las formas en que las categorías de género han sido incorporadas en las investigaciones respecto de los sistemas electorales y de la participación en la ciencia política argentina. ¿Qué ha quedado por fuera de estos estudios? ¿Qué otras líneas de investigación se proponen? ; The study of electoral systems occupies a central place in Argentine political science. From them, began a new line of research that sought to make transparent gender differences in politics and the role of electoral systems. The productions in this matter show a clear alignment with the institutionalist positions, where the object is to analyze how the rules, norms or social behavior affect the different political actors. This allows us to make a summary of what happened within the Argentine discipline and think about future paths. In this paper, we will analyze the ways in which gender categories have been incorporated in research regarding electoral systems and participation in Argentine political science. What has been left out of these studies? What other lines of research are proposed? ; Fil: Perri, María Emilia. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias. Santa Fe; Argentina ; Fil: Perri, María Emilia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Argentina
The most important legacy of the so-called social school of election for the study of electoral systems was the discovery that when we must democratically elect a single alternative, as happens in a presidential election, the result is actually a large arbitrary measure. With the same universe of voters, different candidates could be elected by using different formulas or by changing the options on which the voters vote. However, depending on the conditions of electoral competence, not all systems to elect a president are equally arbitrary. When more than two important candidates compete, the worst possible system is that currently used in Mexico -- the relative majority. In Mexico's 2006 presidential election under the rule of the relative majority, the declared winner, Felipe Calderon received little more than a third of the vote. This essay analyzes the deficiencies of this system & suggests alternatives. Adapted from the source document.
The analysis of the electoral legislations of the EU member States shows the existence of serious differences among them. As a consequence the representation is clearly unequal. Thus, notwithstanding the wording of Article 14.2 Lisbon TEU, and contrary to the claim that Article 10.1 Lisbon TEU seems to make according to its wording the European Parliament is still an institution that does not represent the European people. ; Las grandes diferencias entre las legislaciones de los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea que regulan las elecciones al Parlamento europeo provocan la desigualdad en la representación; lo que se traduce en que el Parlamento Europeo, no obstante lo dispuesto en el Tratado de Lisboa, sigue siendo una institución que no representa realmente al pueblo europeo.The analysis of the electoral legislations of the EU member States shows the existence of serious differences among them. As a consequence the representation is clearly unequal. Thus, notwithstanding the wording of Article 14.2 Lisbon TEU, and contrary to the claim that Article 10.1 Lisbon TEU seems to make according to its wording the European Parliament is still an institution that does not represent the European people.
A inicios de los años 90 Sudáfrica inició su transición política donde la transformación del sistema electoral fue una de los puntos clave en la agenda de negociación. Este artículo defiende que el cambio de los sistemas electorales durante las transiciones democráticas es producto de los cálculos estratégicos de los actores políticos implicados en el proceso de diseño institucional. En este caso de estudio, la inminente amenaza de la entrada de nuevos votantes y partidos políticos en la nueva arena electoral moldeará los cálculos estratégicos de cada actor implicado en el proceso. Como resultado, Sudáfrica transformó un sistema electoral pluralista poco inclusivo, utilizado durante el régimen oligárquico colonial, a un sistema electoral proporcional altamente inclusivo en la nueva dispensación democrática. ; At the beginning of the 90s, South Africa initiated its political transition where the transformation of the electoral system was one of the key items on the negotiation agenda. This paper argues that the change of the electoral systems during democratic transitions is a product of the strategic calculations of the political actors engaged in the process of institutional design. In the case of study, the threat of new voters and political parties entrance in the electoral arena shaped the strategic calculus of each actor involved in the process. As a result, South Africa moved from a low inclusive majoritarian electoral system under the settler oligarchy to a high inclusive proportional electoral system in the new democracy.
Fil: Nohlen, Dieter. Universidad de Heidelberg. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Sociales. Cátedra Ciencia Política. Heidelberg, Alemania ; Tema: Los Derechos Electorales y la Representación Política / Alberto Dalla Vía, coord. --
Algunos problemas de "diseño" del sistema electoral afectan directamente la representatividad del Poder Legislativo en Venezuela. El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer cuáles son las ventajas de otros sistemas electorales y evaluar el impacto que tiene el sistema vigente sobre el nivel de "institucionalidad". En este sentido se identifican unos problemas claves para el desenvolvimiento del sistema electoral en Venezuela como: la supresión del Senado, el voto como derecho y no como deber, el sistema electoral mixto y el método de las morochas. ; Some of the electoral system's "design" problems directly affect the Venezuelan Parliament's representation. The goal is to know what the advantages of other electoral systems are and to evaluate the current system's impact over the "institutional environment." On this matter, some key problems to manage the Venezuelan electoral system such as the Senate's suppression, voting as a right not a duty, a mixed electoral system and the double-barreled shot gun method are identified. ; 239-254 ; carlos.safadi.marquez@salvador.edu.ar
In the twenty-six years that characterize the last six Italian legislatures (1994-2020) Italy has seen, from the political-institutional point of view, an intense activity that was accompanied by a very similar vitality of the political party system. In this context, the electoral system and its continuous modifications with new electoral laws has strongly influenced the form of government, marking, by the decisive conditioning factor that represents the party system, its dynamics, both directly and indirectly. However, the rapid change of the different electoral systems in recent years has not been accompanied by an equal change in the constitutional text, so there has been an asymmetry in the functioning of the new electoral systems that were being adopted gradually, making them substantially incomplete, inconsistent and ultimately fragile. Faced with an immutability of the constitutional system, this continuous mutability in the electoral system has not only made the whole political-institutional system very weak, but also degraded it in its function in the eyes of the voters, as it seemed a clearly inefficient tool with respect to the needs of the constitutional system. Therefore, the present contribution aims to highlight the transformations that have taken place on the electoral system, trying to underline the difficulties of its consolidation, within the framework of the so-called Second Republic (1994-2020) and its new system of political parties. ; En los veintiséis años que caracterizan a las seis últimas legislaturas italianas (1994-2020) ha habido una intensa actividad político-institucional, acompañada de una fuerte modificación del sistema de los partidos políticos. En este contexto, el sistema electoral y sus continuas modificaciones con nuevas leyes electorales ha influido fuertemente en la forma de gobierno, marcando su dinámica, tanto directa como indirectamente. Sin embargo, el rápido cambio de los diferentes sistemas electorales en los últimos años no ha estado acompañado de reformas parejas en el texto constitucional, produciéndose una asimetría en el funcionamiento de los nuevos sistemas electorales que se iban adoptando gradualmente, que los hacía sustancialmente incompletos, incoherentes y, en definitiva, frágiles. Todo ello ha terminado degradando el sistema a ojos de la ciudadanía. Las presentes notas tienen por objeto poner de relieve las transformaciones que se han producido sobre el sistema electoral, tratando de subrayar las dificultades de su consolidación, en el marco de la llamada Segunda República (1994-2020) y de su nuevo sistema de partidos políticos.In the twenty-six years that characterize the last six Italian legislatures (1994-2020) Italy has seen, from the political-institutional point of view, an intense activity that was accompanied by a very similar vitality of the political party system. In this context, the electoral system and its continuous modifications with new electoral laws has strongly influenced the form of government, marking, by the decisive conditioning factor that represents the party system, its dynamics, both directly and indirectly. However, the rapid change of the different electoral systems in recent years has not been accompanied by an equal change in the constitutional text, so there has been an asymmetry in the functioning of the new electoral systems that were being adopted gradually, making them substantially incomplete, inconsistent and ultimately fragile. Faced with an immutability of the constitutional system, this continuous mutability in the electoral system has not only made the whole political-institutional system very weak, but also degraded it in its function in the eyes of the voters, as it seemed a clearly inefficient tool with respect to the needs of the constitutional system. Therefore, the present contribution aims to highlight the transformations that have taken place on the electoral system, trying to underline the difficulties of its consolidation, within the framework of the so-called Second Republic (1994-2020) and its new system of political parties.
