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If you want to drink deeply of unabashedly pro-globalization essays, the Cato Institute has a “Defending Globalization” project underway. The well-written essays are mostly short or mid-length, and clearly aimed at the general public–including undergraduate students. I can’t hope to summarize the essays here, and indeed, more essays are on their way (and you can … Continue reading A Pro-Globalization Banquet
The post A Pro-Globalization Banquet first appeared on Conversable Economist.

Early in the 18th century, before the birth of political economy as a discipline, two of the earliest novels in the English language were published: Robinson Crusoe (1719) by writer and economic entrepreneur Daniel Defoe, and Gulliver's Travels (1726) by the cleric and political adviser Jonathan Swift. The first was widely perceived as an entertaining adventure story, the latter as a pioneering work of science fiction. Both contain indirect comment on the foreign policy of Britain at the time. When viewed from the perspective of the modern economist, however, the works appear to be expressions of opposing positions on the desirability of a nation pursuing integration within a world economy. Crusoe demonstrated the gains from international trade and colonization and even the attendant social and political benefits. He explores the instinct to trade overseas, stages of growth, and the need for careful cost-benefit calculations. By contrast Swift warned of the complex entanglements that would arise from globalization, especially with foreign leaders who operated from theory and models rather than common sense. He makes a case for economic autarky.

In this paper we provide an analytical account of the mechanisms through which globalization, in the sense of increased foreign trade and long-term capital flows, affects the lives of the rural poor in developing countries (in their capacity as workers, consumers, recipients of public services or users of common property resources). Globalization can cause many hardships for the rural poor, but it also opens up some opportunities which some countries can utilize and others do not, largely depending on their domestic political and economic institutions, and the net outcome is often quite complex and almost always context-dependent, belying the glib pronouncements for or against globalization made in the opposing camps.

I study a model of geopolitical organization endogenizing the size of nations, of their public spending and of their degree of openness. The optimal geography may not be a stable equilibrium and the Alesina-Spolaore bias toward too many nations tends to be confirmed. However, multiple equilibria can emerge with globalization backlash associated with large nations and high protectionism and equilibria with smaller countries and high openness which are also Pareto superior. A dynamic version of the model shows stable paths of decreasing size of nations, increasing globalization and (at least initially) increasing public spending. Such a process seems consistent with the historical experience, but it may converge toward a steady state with excessive globalization, too many countries and typically too much government spending.

This paper discusses research that is designed to examine the historical trajectory of structural globalization as an attribute of the whole world-system. Did the globalized world economy arrive all at once in a rapid and recent transition from national to global economic networks? Or is the process of international integration a long-term trend that has been going up for centuries only to be noticed recently because it has reached such a high peak? Or, alternatively, is globalization a cyclical phenomenon in which the world-system alternates between periods of national autarchy followed by periods of international economic and political integration?

Argues on the notion that global free trade and investment are responsible for poverty, inequality, lowering of standards and harming social progress. Concerns of anti-globalist critics on globalization; result of the mistaken arguments against globalization; criticism against national politicians and international bureaucrats.

In view of the cultural aspect, the national identity of Indonesia is the manifestation of cultural values that develop in all aspects of life with unique characteristics differentiating Indonesia from other countries. As a pluralistic country, Indonesia has 34 provinces with more than 16.000 islands of varied cultures. All of which have the power to integrate or disintegrate Indonesia's national unity. Inevitably, the world is changing in a process of globalization toward creating a new borderless big village with consequences 1) less government power; 2) liberalism; 3) free market economy; 4) western culture hegemony; and many others. Globalization is deemed catastrophic toward Indonesian traditional values. This paper argues that globalization, on the contrary, brings the opportunity to see the reality of language use in that between English and Indonesian pragmatic apology utterances, both expressive speech acts show similarity in apology features. This paper wants to see whether globalization affects local identity in the context of language use. This paper analyzed apology utterances in Friends TV Series as western representation and utterances found in Office Boy TV Series as Indonesian representation. It is a descriptive qualitative study with content analysis adopted from Spradley in Santoso (2017). The finding shows that apology utterances both English and Indonesian realized universal features of apology that is IFID, Responsibility, Explanation, Repair, Forbearance, Addressed, Phatic, and Interjection. In conclusion, there is no language hegemony. If one considers similarities rather than differences, one will get a deeper insight into languages that will broaden one's view of language.

The decline of capital taxation is associated with efficiency gains.We show that, when agents are heterogeneous, equity concerns can change the policy recommendation driven by efficiency. Given the empirical evidence on the roots of heterogeneity inside each country, either in/ndeveloping or developed economies, the elimination of capital taxation would lead always to a decline in inequality and to an increase of welfare of the poorest, in a small open economy acting unilaterally. On the contrary for a closed economy, or for group of open economies following the same policy, the opposite can be the result: with the elimination of capital taxation it can hurts the poorest of each country. Therefore a low degree of capital openness can support a positive tax on capital. ; The ADEMU Working Paper Series is being supported by the European Commission Horizon 2020 European Union funding for Research & Innovation, grant agreement No 649396.

The 1970s witnessed the beginning of a new world order conceptualized by leading political economists as neoliberal globalization. This has been accompanied by a profound restructuring of the world's economy under the influence of large multinational corporations, the globe's most powerful governments led by the United States, and a triad of international bodies: the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Petras & Veltmeyer 2000). This new scenario has reshaped the scope and nature of contemporary human mobility. ; Producción Científica de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas UAZ

The 1970s witnessed the beginning of a new world order conceptualized by leading political economists as neoliberal globalization. This has been accompanied by a profound restructuring of the world's economy under the influence of large multinational corporations, the globe's most powerful governments led by the United States, and a triad of international bodies: the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Petras & Veltmeyer 2000). This new scenario has reshaped the scope and nature of contemporary human mobility. ; Producción Científica de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas UAZ

The September 11 attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have provided a new context for reassessing the relationship between globalization, naval strategy, and U.S. foreign and defense policy. This reassessment suggests that despite the opportunities created by globalization for the U.S. Navy, strategic thinking became moribund, or at best focused on simply preserving funding and force structure, in the aftermath of the Cold War. September 11, however, suggests that globalization and the information revolution have produced more than prosperity and democratization. The same trends that have empowered people of good will also have empowered global actors with sinister ambitions and objectives. The rise of a new transnational threat to the United States has created the need for new thinking about how the Navy can better protect America. There is a need for a new vision of the Navy role in homeland defense. National security requirements have created a real demand for naval strategyâ not simply the budget and program-justifying briefings that have passed for official naval thought in recent years.

As we know, the new dimension of relations between societies and developed underdeveloped countries in today's world is expressed by the word "globalization". I think it is not wrong to say that this word covers all the economic, administrative, cultural, social, political words. This multidimensional word is expressed from another point of view, that is, the globalization of the world in terms of economic, administrative, cultural, social and communication, that is, another word of globalization. It began to develop at about the beginning of the 1800s, revived in the 1960s, and developed in parallel with the rapid development of communication technology after 1980, and its development continued rapidly in the last decade. Parallel to the development of communication technology, our world has shrunk, public, local and individual values become shared without boundaries. This has influenced information exchange and learning. For this reason, lifelong learning has become a lifestyle. This lifestyle has brought vitality to the economy, communication, education and transportation in recent years. The number of scientific, economic, administrative, cultural and social activities among the countries has increased. For example, when we look at the recent researches of the travel agencies of Turkey in 2016, people from nearly everywhere in the world entered our country (total 25,352,213) and in the same way our country went to all corners of the world (total 8.062.065). This numerical data belonging only to my country, if we think about the whole world, the result will come out spontaneously. The reality of today's world is not static, but an active life. The reality of today's world is not static, but an active life that always renews itself. In this work, the relevance of globalization to lifelong learning has been examined in a classical way.

© Cambridge University Press 2012. This chapter argues for connecting models of several kinds of macro- and microprocesses as they affect structure and dynamics in the globalization of networks of trade. The purpose is to explore multiple levels of structure, process, and adaptation and to loosen assumptions about determinacy in models of networks and globalization. As do many models of emergence, it questions the notions of inevitability that too often surround studies of globalization. Particularly useful for comparison of cases are the models of "world system" developed by Modelski and Thompson (1996, see Devezas and Modelski, 2008). These focus on national policy-driven innovation and processes of European "evolutionary learning" that began in the 1400s. They put into context the models that focus on core-periphery structure as developed by Braudel (1973), or the "world-system" core-periphery model that for Wallerstein (1974) begins in the 1600s. Study of structures of core-periphery in world systems can benefit from added dimensions, improved measurement of network structure, and understanding the effects of periodic crises in terms of historical dynamics. An unexpected outcome of this survey for issues of policy is that it develops a deeper historical understanding of how certain kinds of exchange systems develop several kinds of inequalities that are inimical to the concept of fair pricing in the operation of market equilibria, even in the absence of economic oligopolies (monopoly, duopoly) and oligopsonies (monopsony, duopsony). These include longstanding militaristic state-policy domination of international exchange, resultant structural inequality in international trade networks, and cyclical events within polities, that in periods of resource scarcity relative to population, create periods of extreme deflation of wages relative to extremes in elite dominance over wealth-generating property ownership.

This chapter argues for connecting models of several kinds of macro- and microprocesses as they affect structure and dynamics in the globalization of networks of trade. The purpose is to explore multiple levels of structure, process, and adaptation and to loosen assumptions about determinacy in models of networks and globalization. As do many models of emergence, it questions the notions of inevitability that too often surround studies of globalization. Particularly useful for comparison of cases are the models of "world system" developed by Modelski and Thompson (1996, see Devezas and Modelski, 2008). These focus on national policy-driven innovation and processes of European "evolutionary learning" that began in the 1400s. They put into context the models that focus on core-periphery structure as developed by Braudel (1973), or the "world-system" core-periphery model that for Wallerstein (1974) begins in the 1600s. Study of structures of core-periphery in world systems can benefit from added dimensions, improved measurement of network structure, and understanding the effects of periodic crises in terms of historical dynamics. An unexpected outcome of this survey for issues of policy is that it develops a deeper historical understanding of how certain kinds of exchange systems develop several kinds of inequalities that are inimical to the concept of fair pricing in the operation of market equilibria, even in the absence of economic oligopolies (monopoly, duopoly) and oligopsonies (monopsony, duopsony). These include longstanding militaristic state-policy domination of international exchange, resultant structural inequality in international trade networks, and cyclical events within polities, that in periods of resource scarcity relative to population, create periods of extreme deflation of wages relative to extremes in elite dominance over wealth-generating property ownership.

It is clear that globalization is something more than a purely economic phenomenon manifesting itself on a global scale. Among the visible manifestations of globalization are the greater international movement of goods and services, financial capital, information and people. In addition, there are technological developments, more transboundary cultural exchanges, facilitated by the freer trade of more differentiated products as well as by tourism and immigration, changes in the political landscape and ecological consequences. In this paper, we link the Maastricht Globalization Index with health indicators to analyse if more globalized countries are doing better in terms of infant mortality rate, under-five mortality rate, and adult mortality rate. The results indicate a positive association between a high level of globalization and low mortality rates. In view of the arguments that globalization provides winners and losers, and might be seen as a disequalizing process, we should perhaps be careful in interpreting the observed positive association as simple evidence that globalization is mostly good for our health. It is our hope that a further analysis of health impacts of globalization may help in adjusting and optimising the process of globalization on every level in the direction of a sustainable and healthy development for all.