Suchergebnisse

In order to sustain or improve a position, higher education institutions have to realize that service quality is a critical condition for survival and growth in the education market. Therefore, the purpose of the research presented in this paper is to emphasize quality as a source of competitive advantage of higher education institutions, as well as to identify opportunities for improving service quality. The main objective of the research is to evaluate whether service quality determines students' satisfaction. The data provided by empirical research, conducted at universities in Serbia, have been subject to model that is usually used for service quality assessment and evaluation (SERVQUAL model). This model is valuable, but certainly not sufficient for creating an improvement map. Therefore, for identification of improvement priorities, in addition to SERVQUAL model, AHP method, pared t-test, ANOVA and regression analysis have been used. The results of the analysis indicate a gap between service quality that students expect and perceive. In addition, based on quantitative analysis, priorities for improvement of service quality are identified.

The article intends to look into the mode of work organization in nursing, which is constantly evolving owing to technological innovations, in the context of rising private healthcare in India and management rationales behind it. Locating the study within the framework of scientific management techniques and analyzing through lens of Weberian power structure and Marx's concepts of work alienation and subjugation, the article contributes to understanding how in the absence of standard mode of work design, management in private healthcare recruits workers hailing from migrated ethnic communities without formal skills and qualification. The organization of work is based on subjectivities and social institutions such as race, class and ethnicities of workers. In the name of efficiency, those workers are selected who respond positively to workplace controls. Thus, while Taylorist concepts of efficiency, fragmentation and specialization of work are used to design work, they are reconceptualized and merged with informal social institutions to fulfil the management's goals of higher accumulation in service industries.

Although political scientists have documented the effects of incarceration on those serving time in prison and jail, there has been much less discussion about feedback effects on the attitudes of those who work in correctional institutions. This is a considerable oversight, given the enormous growth of the correctional workforce and its importance in the implementation of crime policy. In this article, we present original survey data from a large sample of California correctional officers. Our analyses suggest that characteristics of the institutions where correctional officers work—the levels of violence to which they are exposed, the proportion of inmates involved in high-quality rehabilitation programs, as well as the quality of management—help to shape officers' attitudes toward rehabilitation. These dynamics have important implications for how public policies can create political constituencies among criminal justice officers. The attitudes of these officers should therefore be a concern for scholars, advocates, and practitioners who are interested in political strategies for long-term, meaningful reform to the correctional system.

Migrations are a global phenomenon that has prevailed throughout history. In the last decades there is a need to control every person who enters and leaves the borders of a country. This fact can be observed in the European Union where in the last years the migratory phenomenon is appreciated as a problem. This institution carries out different measures in order to manage this diversity within its borders. However, these agreements are not adapted to the different contexts and are not carried out by all the countries that compose this institution. In spite of all this, the discourse used by the European Union promotes the European identity in front of the rest, differentiating those considered others. These others are differentiated primarily by their nationality although from the discourse analysis can be observed as the economic factor is essential. These themes will be studied in this paper, which will allow us to understand what treaties have been established in the European Union regarding migration and how diversity is managed from them.

Feminist movements against domestic and intimate partner violence (DV and IPV) have long struggled with tensions around the professionalization of their work. This article uses qualitative interviews and content analysis to conceptualize the IPV movement's field of action as an interstitial space. The movement against IPV draws together a multi-institutional audience that reflects the historical trajectory of the field. The IPV organizations in the Boston metropolitan area productively engage with and influence various institutional fields. The boundaries of this interstitial space are the multi-institutional bundles of relations drawn together by the DV movement. In the Boston metropolitan area, the institutional fields of action drawn most strongly into the liminal space of the intimate partner violence field are the wider feminist movement and the institutions of the medical/health sphere, carceral system, and education systems. The work of direct services, advocacy, and prevention defines itself in relation to neighboring institutions but remains grounded in its own interstitial space of the IPV movement through individual practices within organizations.

Student engagement in institutions of higher education has become a central priority for educators and administrators. What "student engagement" means for a diverse student body is an important question for public institutions with justice-related missions. As social welfare policy shifts to allow more recipients of public assistance access to higher education, research regarding their engagement experiences remains scarce. To support a socioeconomically diverse student body, consistent with the Network of Schools of Public Policy, Affairs, and Administration (NASPAA) standards, this project explores the nature of engagement among student recipients of public assistance by asking the following research questions: what forms of engagement with students on public assistance take place? Why is engaging students on public assistance important? How can we foster greater engagement with students on public assistance? To answer these questions, student and faculty focus groups are conducted. From this analysis, we highlight normative implications of engaging a socioeconomically diverse student population and present recommendations for fostering greater engagement.

Secure property rights are considered a common institutional feature of rapidly growing economies. Although different property rights regimes have prevailed around the world over time, relatively little scholarship has empirically characterized the historical property rights of societies outside Western Europe. Using data from Egypt's Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517 CE), this article provides a detailed characterization of land tenure patterns and identifies changes to real property holdings associated with an institutional bargain between Egypt's slave soldiers—the mamluks—and the sultan. Although agricultural land was a collective resource of the state, individual mamluks—state actors themselves—established religious endowments as a privatizing work-around to the impermissibility of transferring mamluk status to their sons. The article's characterization of landholding patterns in medieval Egypt provides an empirical illustration of how Middle Eastern institutions differed from those in other world regions as well as an understanding for how and why regimes come under political stress as a result of their property rights institutions.

Television is a mass media which has always been a top priority for the community in getting accurate and reliable information. The presence of television will always be awaited by the public to convey all information, especially when natural disasters occur in an area. This article tries to provide an analysis of the news program produced by the TVRI Public Broadcasting Institutions. This study uses the framing analysis method, with a four-dimensional structural approach to the news text as a framing device from Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki. This analysis aims to understand and then describe how reality is constructed by TVRI broadcasting institutions in the frame of television news programs on natural disasters, earthquakes and sunbaths in Central Sulawesi. The results of the analysis with framing showed that TVRI's reporting through the special program of natural disaster recovery "Sulteng Bangkit" showed prominence on the government's role in the process of handling and restoring conditions after the earthquake and tsunami natural disaster in Central Sulawesi.

This study examined the effects of governance in higher education on the changing structures of universities, focusing on three major aspects: the marketization of higher education, new circuits of academic capitalist knowledge, and the quality of higher education. To do so, the study employed time-series-cross-sectional (TSCS) data analysis with random effects models. The primary focus was to conduct empirical research utilizing comparative indicators and analytical tools for cross-national analysis, and to complement existing qualitative studies on the changing nature of universities. The results suggest the following: First, reductions in public subsidies for higher education may encourage higher education institutions to enter into market activities. Second, the results provide evidence that new circuits of knowledge, namely, academic capitalist knowledge regimes, are more highly associated with market activities such as university–industry collaboration and R&D performance compared to public good knowledge regime. Third, the results suggest that quality of higher education institutions is positively correlated with both public subsidies in higher education and university-industry collaboration.

This article seeks a dialogue between masculinity studies and generational sexuality studies by comparing two generations of gay men in Hong Kong through in-depth interviews with 15 older gay men born before the 1950s and 25 young gay men born after 1990 using a life course approach. The article highlights the sociohistorical and political changes shaping male identity, practice, and culture in colonial and postcolonial Hong Kong, and identifies responsibility and respectability as two key dimensions in the construction of Chinese masculinity. It argues that the two generations under study accomplish gay masculinities against changing Chinese masculine ideals and hetero/homonormativities sensitive to different social relations and institutions, as well as engage in constant negotiation with the dominant heteronormative life course and need to manage stigma. Drawing on the narratives of the participants from the two generations, the article examines continuity and change in the idealized and practiced forms of masculinity embedded in different institutions, thereby providing a nuanced understanding of the transformations of Chinese generational masculinities under broad social–historical changes.

The aim of this article is to discuss how Spinoza's Theological- Political Treatise and Political Treatise deal with the development of a free and pacific commonwealth, taking into account both a comparison with the irenic tradition of Erasmus and the original position of Spinoza's republicanism within the Dutch context of that period. To approach this issue, comparing Spinoza's idea of security with the Hobbesian one can also be useful in order to demonstrate that security and freedom are not antithetical in Spinoza (differently from Hobbes) but rather support each other. Consequently, the role of peace and concord within the Political Treatise shall be considered the result of a collective self-emendation process of social interactions and political institutions. In this perspective, Spinoza's concept of peace seems a very original attempt to build a free political community, where democratic institutions are both the cause and effect of pacific (i.e., rational and harmonious, although not necessarily irenic) relationships among citizens.

Beginning in the late 1960s a series of reforms saw the emergence of vast numbers of bureaucratic instruments meant to standardize the care, custody, and control of inmates. Grievance and disciplinary procedures were largely homogenized to ensure inmates' protection from the abuses that were prevalent especially in the southern plantation model of incarceration. These same procedures, however, resulted in the increasing removal of prisoners from the sphere of legal, judicial, and, more broadly, public discourse and oversight. This article analyzes how the failure to prosecute crimes committed inside the prison functions to diminish the legal and political standing of both criminal and victim. In handling crime as an extrajudicial matter, adjudicated exclusively by disciplinary boards, the prisoner-criminal and prisoner-victim are positioned as quasi-legal subjects, bearing neither the rights nor responsibilities of citizenship. The prison, therefore, is a model institution for downsizing citizenship, and its disciplinary procedures are an ideal model for the neoliberalization of public institutions.

AbstractThis article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators' professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to "level the playing field" between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.

Higher education institutions (HEIs), especially latecomer institutions, continue to regard exporting education services by creating a commercial presence in a foreign country with caution. The purpose of this paper is to investigate ways of creating and managing international branch campuses (IBCs) and to elaborate recommendations for universities on establishing a branch campus as an entry into the foreign education market. In order to reach this aim, we analyse the trends of IBC development in higher education in the last 30 years, compare the theory and concepts of service export in business and in higher education and, finally, conduct a case study on seven IBCs globally. The analysis shows clear synergy between business theory and higher education (HE); however, no obvious coherence is discovered between the IBC establishment practices and the traditional Uppsala internationalisation model used in international business practices. This research continues by verifying the coherence of IBCs with the revisited Uppsala model based on the relationships and market commitment.

This article considers the problem of popular, collectively organized political action in the context of the abolition movement of the slave trade (1788–1807). Various primary sources, a petition, a trade directory, church records, and a self-built historic GIS are used to locate petitioners for abolition in the social fabric of Manchester. Through matching and computational experiments the article highlights which social structural forces led individuals to support the abolition movement by signing a petition. Specifically, gathering places that were historically involved in the movement, as well as those that housed traveling merchants from communities with successful abolitionist petitions from preceding campaigns shaped abolitionist petitioning—and the impact of these institutions remained important over and above family ties, active religious congregations, and the occupational groups. The article gives a new understanding of the role that early industrialization played in the abolition movement, building it from the bottom up, forging cohesion within and across communities through local institutions, rather than creating new boundaries and divides through processes of class formation.