"Muslim law developed a clear legal cadre for dhimmīs, inferior but protected non-Muslim communities (in particular Jews and Christians) and Roman Canon law decreed a similar status for Jewish and Muslim communities in Europe. Yet the theoretical hierarchies between faithful and infidel were constantly brought into question in the daily interactions between men and women of different faiths in streets, markets, bath-houses, law courts, etc. The twelve essays in this volume explore these tensions and attempts to resolve them. These contributions show that law was used to try to erect boundaries between communities in order to regulate or restrict interaction between the faithful and the non-faithful--and at the same time how these boundaries were repeatedly transgressed and negotiated. These essays explore also the possibilities and the limits of the use of legal sources for the social historian"--Back cover
This research focuses on a world based on multiculturalism, thanks to the protection of minorities in international law, addressing racial intolerance and exacerbation of the differences between ethnicities. Today, as part of the dynamics of international relations, the existence of minorities, their demands for recognition and exercise of his human rights and fundamental freedoms, their struggles special rights campaigners and shapers of their recognition, focus on civil and political rights and social groups have the right to exist and be recognized. This paper aims to raise the issue that arises from the emergency situation of minority groups worldwide, achieving awareness of everyday life faced, through the possibility of conception of a policy of non-discrimination groups that have historically been identified as being "different" taking into account criteria as absurd as religion, ethnicity or language. What some, is a social phenomenon, which currently are considered as explosive and dynamic in its need for new minority identities or regain their former cultural identities, hence its relevance, its unity, referring to the links remain among its members, victims of intolerance and xenophobia processes: racial, ethnic. ; Este trabajo de investigación se enfoca en un mundo basado en la multiculturalidad, gracias a la protección de las minorías en el Derecho Internacional, haciendo frente a la intolerancia racial y de exacerbación de las diferencias existentes entre las etnias. Hoy día, en el marco de la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales, la existencia de las minorías, sus demandas de reconocimiento y ejercicio de sus Derechos Humanos y sus libertades fundamentales, sus luchas reivindicadoras de derechos especiales y forjadoras de su reconocimiento, se enfocan en sus derechos civiles y políticos como grupos sociales que tienen derecho a existir y a ser reconocidos. Este trabajo tiene por objeto plantear la problemática que surge de la situación actual de emergencia de los grupos minoritarios a nivel mundial, lograr la sensibilización de la cotidianidad que enfrentan, a través de la posibilidad de la concepción de una política dirigida a la no discriminación de grupos que históricamente han sido señalados por ser "diferentes" tomando en cuenta criterios tan absurdos como la religión, en la etnia o en la lengua. Lo que para algunos, constituye un fenómeno social, que en la actualidad, son considerados tan explosivos y dinámicos por su necesidad de lograr nuevas identidades minoritarias o recuperar sus antiguas identidades culturales; de allí su pertinencia, haciendo referencia a los vínculos que se mantienen entre sus miembros, víctimas de procesos de intolerancia y xenofobia: diferencia racial, étnica.
This research focuses on a world based on multiculturalism, thanks to the protection of minorities in international law, addressing racial intolerance and exacerbation of the differences between ethnicities. Today, as part of the dynamics of international relations, the existence of minorities, their demands for recognition and exercise of his human rights and fundamental freedoms, their struggles special rights campaigners and shapers of their recognition, focus on civil and political rights and social groups have the right to exist and be recognized. This paper aims to raise the issue that arises from the emergency situation of minority groups worldwide, achieving awareness of everyday life faced, through the possibility of conception of a policy of non-discrimination groups that have historically been identified as being "different" taking into account criteria as absurd as religion, ethnicity or language. What some, is a social phenomenon, which currently are considered as explosive and dynamic in its need for new minority identities or regain their former cultural identities, hence its relevance, its unity, referring to the links remain among its members, victims of intolerance and xenophobia processes: racial, ethnic. ; Este trabajo de investigación se enfoca en un mundo basado en la multiculturalidad, gracias a la protección de las minorías en el Derecho Internacional, haciendo frente a la intolerancia racial y de exacerbación de las diferencias existentes entre las etnias. Hoy día, en el marco de la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales, la existencia de las minorías, sus demandas de reconocimiento y ejercicio de sus Derechos Humanos y sus libertades fundamentales, sus luchas reivindicadoras de derechos especiales y forjadoras de su reconocimiento, se enfocan en sus derechos civiles y políticos como grupos sociales que tienen derecho a existir y a ser reconocidos. Este trabajo tiene por objeto plantear la problemática que surge de la situación actual de emergencia de los grupos minoritarios a nivel mundial, lograr la sensibilización de la cotidianidad que enfrentan, a través de la posibilidad de la concepción de una política dirigida a la no discriminación de grupos que históricamente han sido señalados por ser "diferentes" tomando en cuenta criterios tan absurdos como la religión, en la etnia o en la lengua. Lo que para algunos, constituye un fenómeno social, que en la actualidad, son considerados tan explosivos y dinámicos por su necesidad de lograr nuevas identidades minoritarias o recuperar sus antiguas identidades culturales; de allí su pertinencia, haciendo referencia a los vínculos que se mantienen entre sus miembros, víctimas de procesos de intolerancia y xenofobia: diferencia racial, étnica.
This article offers an analysis of democracy as taming of the power, according Bertrand Russell (Power, 1938). Defense of minorities is implied by this concept of democracy, and in this paper, that defense is amplified to the defense of sexual minorities. Besides, the idea of democracy is related to the Leibniz notion about ethical control of the government, and also, to the idea of empty democracy by Jacques Ranciére. ; En este artículo se hace un análisis de la noción de democracia como doma del poder del filósofo analítico Bertrand Russell, idea que aparece en su libro Power (1938). A este concepto se lo vincula con la defensa de las minorías, y en este artículo esta idea se extiende a la defensa de las minorías sexuales. Asimismo, se hace una correlación con el pensamiento de Leibniz de que debe haber un control ético del poder de los gobernantes y con la idea de la democracia vacía de Jacques Ranciére.
Con la elección de Francisco I comenzaron a circular diferentes lecturas sobre una nueva etapa de la Iglesia católica. Algunas declaraciones del Papa generaron un clima de expectativas y una corriente de opinión favorable sobre su pontificado. En este marco, nos preguntamos por la política sexual de la Iglesia católica en la etapa iniciada por el nuevo Pontificado. Con este objetivo, analizamos las principales declaraciones públicas de Francisco I sobre sexualidad (homosexualidad, aborto) y la concreción del Sínodo de la Familia como instancia en la que la Iglesia debate su postura oficial sobre moral sexual. El trabajo identifica una serie de desplazamientos como emergentes de una política de dislocación que permiten caracterizar el posicionamiento del Papa sobre el orden sexual.
This essay argues that Hume's political and historical thought is well read as skeptical and skeptical in a way that roots it deeply in the Hellenistic traditions of both Pyrrhonian and Academical thought. It deploys skeptical instruments to undermine political rationalism as well as theologically and metaphysically political ideologies. (1) Hume's is politics of opinion (doxa) and (2) appearance (phainomena). It labors to oppose faction and enthusiasm and generate (3) suspension (epochê), (4) balance (isosthenia), (5) tranquility (ataraxia), and (6) moderation (metriopatheia, moderatio). Because Hume advocate the use of reflectively generated but epistemically and metaphysically suspensive general rules, his political thought is not intrinsically conservative. While it valorizes stability and peace, Humean politics accepts a contested and open-ended (zetesis) political order, one that requires continuous maintenance and revision but does not pretend to any ultimate or final progress or end.
Fake news, Post-Truth are now entries into the ordinary language of contemporary politics to denote - with anxiety and concern - the definitive rupture of the relationship between truth and politics. A relationship that has never been idyllic and that cannot be, constitutively, idyllic, but which now seems to have reached a point of no return. Glossing the reflections of Hannah Arendt in Truth and Politics and pointing out two areas of "political licence" - that is, two areas where, inevitably, politics cannot be judged on parameters of truth - this contribution aims to treat the weakness of shared truths not as a cause of the crisis of democracies, but as a symptom of a more radical problem, an extreme subjectivism that leads to loneliness and intolerance towards any relationship based on trust. ; Fake news, Post-Truth son palabras que han entrado en el lenguaje ordinario de la política contemporánea para denotar -con ansiedad y preocupación- la ruptura definitiva de la relación entre verdad y política. Una relación que nunca ha sido idílica y que constitucionalmente no puede serlo, pero que ahora parece haber llegado a un punto sin retorno. Glosando las reflexiones de Hannah Arendt en Verdad y Política y señalando dos áreas de «licencia política» - es decir, en las que, inevitablemente, la política no puede juzgarse en función de los parámetros de verdad -, esta contribución pretende tratar la debilidad de las verdades compartidas no como la causa de la crisis de las democracias, sino como un síntoma de un problema más radical, un subjetivismo extremo que desemboca en soledad e intolerancia hacia cualquier relación de confianza.
Economists and Political scientists have suggested for a long time that democracy and the environment are linked. What they did not analyze in detail is ifthe way in which politicians are elected influences the environment as well. Thescope of this paper is to fill this gap. Using high quality data on a cross section of countries, coming from previous studies, we find strong results suggestingthat politicians in majoritarian systems are less interested in environmental commitments than those in proportional representations. The consequence is thatenvironmental commitments are lower in the former system than in the latter.
Moving from a critical reading of Hannah Arendt's view of the relationship between truth and politics, this essay reframes the relationship between post-truth and politics within contemporary democracies, where a) truth acquires the same status of radical immanence as neoliberal governmentality and the same status of equivalence and exchangeability as commodities and the market, b) the imperative of transparency redefines the public sphere, c) the theatre of representation transforms into the set of presentification, without any border between the visible and the invisible, the sayable and the unsayable. Within such a framework the parresiastic practice of saying one's own truth must be reconsidered, alongside and beyond the foucauldian proposal, as a relational and political practice rather than an individual and ethical style of life. ; Partiendo de una lectura crítica de la perspectiva de Hannah Arendt acerca de la relación entre verdad y política, este ensayo redefine la relación entre posverdad y política dentro de las democracias contemporáneas, donde a) la verdad adquiere el mismo estatus de inmanencia radical de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal y el mismo estatus de equivalencia e intercambiabilidad de las mercancías y del mercado, b) el imperativo de la transparencia redefine la esfera pública, c) el teatro de la representación se transforma en el escenario de la presentificación, sin ninguna frontera entre lo visible y lo invisible, lo decible y lo indecible. Dentro de este marco, la práctica parresiástica de decir la verdad propia de cada cual debe ser reconsiderada, junto con y más allá de la propuesta foucaultiana, como una práctica relacional y política más que como un estilo de vida individual y ético.
"What is the role of literature in the formation of the state? Anthony J. Cascardi takes up this fundamental question in Cervantes, Literature, and the Discourse of Politics, a comprehensive analysis of the presence of politics in Don Quixote. Cascardi argues that when public speech is constrained, as it was in seventeenth-century Spain, politics must be addressed indirectly, including through comedy, myth, and travellers' tales. Cervantes, Literature, and the Discourse of Politics convincingly reengages the ancient roots of political theory in modern literature by situating Cervantes within a long line of political thinkers. Cascardi notably connects Cervantes' political theory to Plato's, much as the writer's literary criticism has been firmly linked to Aristotle's. He also shows how Cervantes' view of literature provided a compelling alternative to the modern, scientific politics of Machiavelli and Hobbes, highlighting the potential interplay of literature and politics in an ideal state."--P. [i]
The dynamics of revenue and expenditure policy in contemporary Mexico / Gabriel Farfán-Mares -- Empresarios, sociedad civil y esquemas de gobernanza / Cristina Puga -- Candidaturas independientes en México : un caso de movilización del cambio jurídico / Reyes Rodríguez Mondragón -- Campaigns and elections : five assumptions about mediated politics / Yolanda Meyenberg Leycegui -- La comunicación presidencial en México : Fox, Calderón y Peña / Rubén Aguilar Valenzuela -- The Mexican agenda in Latin America : the Pacific Alliance / Natalia Saltalamacchia -- What is actually happening with the "Mexican moment?" / Amalia D. García Medina -- A panorama of Mexico : governance, crime and justice information / Mario Palma Rojo and Victoria Bonilla -- Modernization of the municipal government in Mexico / Mauricio Valdés Rodríguez
George Santayana (1863-1952) appears emotionally distant and personally uncommitted in many of his writings. In what may have been a related phenomenon, he does not seem to have committed to any school of philosophy, but rather to draw from many of the available schools when it suited him. In this article, we assess his constantly changing use of different philosophies and its implications for both philosophy and politics.
