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Few African countries provide for an explicit right to a nationality. Laws and practices governing citizenship effectively leave hundreds of thousands of people in Africa without a country. These stateless Africans can neither vote nor stand for office; they cannot enrol their children in school, travel freely, or own property; they cannot work for the government; they are exposed to human rights abuses. Statelessness exacerbates and underlies tensions in many regions of the continent. Citizenship Law in Africa, a comparative study by two programs of the Open Society Foundations, describes the often arbitrary, discriminatory, and contradictory citizenship laws that exist from state to state and recommends ways that African countries can bring their citizenship laws in line with international rights norms. The report covers topics such as citizenship by descent, citizenship by naturalisation, gender discrimination in citizenship law, dual citizenship, and the right to identity documents and passports. It is essential reading for policymakers, attorneys, and activists. This third edition is a comprehensive revision of the original text, which is also updated to reflect developments at national and continental levels. The original tables presenting comparative analysis of all the continent's nationality laws have been improved, and new tables added on additional aspects of the law. Since the second edition was published in 2010, South Sudan has become independent and adopted its own nationality law, while there have been revisions to the laws in Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Namibia, Niger, Senegal, Seychelles, South Africa, Sudan, Tunisia and Zimbabwe. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child have developed important new normative guidance.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of corporate board characteristics on the financial performance of Nigerian quoted firms. Board characteristics studied comprise board size, board skill, board nationality, board gender, board ethnicity and CEO duality.Design/methodology/approachThe study employed the random‐effects and fixed‐effects generalised least squares (GLS) regression to test the six hypotheses formulated for the study, while controlling for firm size and firm age.FindingsUsing panel data from 122 quoted firms in Nigeria between 1991 and 2008, it was found that board size, CEO duality and gender diversity were negatively linked with firm performance, whereas board nationality, board ethnicity and the number of board members with a PhD qualification were found to impact positively on firm performance. The result of the robustness test using the same board characteristics for 160 small firms showed that board duality was positively linked to firm performance, while a PhD qualification was negatively linked to firm performance.Practical implicationsThe study contributes to the understanding of the board‐performance link by examining both the traditional variables such as board size, CEO duality and other organisational attributes such as ethnic diversity, foreign nationality and competence variables represented by women and PhD holders, respectively. The results provide an insight for practitioners and policy makers on the importance of relying on institutional specifics in the prescription of corporate governance codes.Originality/valueThe study adds value to the global corporate governance discourse in two ways: first, the use of Nigeria, which is claimed to have one of the weakest business cultures in the world, and secondly, using a good number of proxies that are country‐specific for corporate boards.

First published online 29 May 2007 ; European citizenship is a nested membership in a multilevel polity that operates at member state and union levels. A normative theory of supranational citizenship will necessarily be informed by the EU as the only present case and will be addressed to the EU in most of its prescriptions, but should still develop a model sufficiently general to potentially apply to other regional unions as well. The Article first describes three basic characteristics of such a polity - democratic representation at the supranational level, internal freedom of movement between member states, and regional limits to external geographic expansion - and argues that a multiplication of such regional unions would contribute to a more just and peaceful international order Building on this modification of Kant's model for a global confederation of republics, the contribution explores three alternative approaches for strengthening democratic citizenship in the European Union: a statist approach that aims at transforming the EU into a federal state, a unionist approach whose goal is to strengthen union citizenship vis-ii-vis member state nationality, and a pluralist one that specifies citizenship norms for each level and balances them with each other on the basis of the current state offederal integration. These approaches are then compared with regard to their implications for three policy questions: (1) general status differences and inequality of rights amongst EU citizens living in their country of nationality, EU citizens residing in other member states, third-country nationals, and EU citizens residing outside the territory of the Union; (2) voting rights in European, national, and local elections; and (3) access to Union citizenship and to member state nationality.

The presence in Canada of substantial minorities of Oriental race interests us both as citizens and as social scientists. Even those who believe that the task of good citizenship has been made harder by immigration from Asia must recognize that the interest of Canada to the social scientist has been enhanced.The racial minorities are three in number and are very unequal in importance. There are about 25,000 persons of Japanese race in Canada, of whom 23,000 live in the province of British Columbia. The Chinese are somewhat more numerous in Canada, although there are only 21,769 in British Columbia. There are very few East Indians and it is significant that the Special Committee on Orientals in British Columbia which reported in December, 1940, treated "Orientals" and "Persons of Japanese and Chinese racial origins" as interchangeable terms.The figures cited concern race (as determined by paternal descent) and do not indicate nationality or culture. Of the 23,000 persons of Japanese race in Canada approximately 2,400 are naturalized Canadians, and 13,400 Canadians by birth. This leaves an alien group of 7,200 but it must not be overlooked that many of those who are Canadians by birth may claim Japanese nationality by descent, or may have Japanese nationality imposed upon them because their parents have registered their births at the consulates. It is probable that almost all the Canadian-born are more Canadian than Japanese in culture, and this is true of some of the immigrants from Japan who entered Canada at early ages. Not many Chinese are Canadian either by birth or naturalization. For the former the figure is 900, for the latter 200. Of the East Indians probably none are aliens.

This article delineates the intelectual paths of some Peruvian intelectuals, specially anthropologists, stating their conceptions of nationality, national identity, ethnicity and politics, retracing historically and culturally some traditional and revolutionary trends of thought of the country. From the indigenist beginnings elaborated by Valcarcel, passing through the socialism of Mariategui, it arrives to the «magical socialism» of Jose Maria Arguedas and Rodrigo Montoya Rojas, as actual and creative interpretative possibilities of Peruvian anthropological thought. ; Este artículo dibuja las trayectorias de algunos intelectuales peruanos, notoriamente antropólogos, explicita sus concepciones de nacionalidad, identidad nacional, etnicidad y política, retrata histórica y culturalmente algunas corrientes tradicionales y revolucionarias del pensamiento peruano. De los primeros indigenismos elaborados por Valcárcel, y pasando por el socialismo de Mariátegui, arriba al «socialismo mágico» de José María Arguedas y Rodrigo Montoya Rojas, como posibilidades interpretativas actuales y creativas del pensamiento antropológico peruano

The increase in the internationalization of universities has been accompanied by an increase in multiculturalism in classrooms. Due to this situation, with the objective of knowing the conceptions of university professors around pluricultural competence and attending to the connection with their positioning in relation to the models of cosmopolitan citizenship; a mixed research is developed in the Hispanic-Japanese context of higher education, focusing attention on education and social sciences professors. In general, it is concluded that there are connections between the positioning of multiculturalism and cosmopolitan citizenship. Thus, the university professors of both countries highlight the advantages of cultural plurality in educational environments and, despite the fact that there is governmental support for academic internationalization, in the sample of Japanese professors, there is a greater concern about the preservation of national identity in cultural plurality. ; El incremento de la internacionalización de las universidades ha estado acompañado de un aumento de la multiculturalidad en las aulas. Dada esta situación, con el objetivo de conocer las concepciones del profesorado universitario en torno a la competencia pluricultural y atendiendo a su conexión con su posicionamiento sobre los modelos de ciudadanía cosmopolita; se desarrolla una investigación mixta en el contexto hispano-japonés de educación superior, centrando la atención en el profesorado de educación y ciencias sociales. En líneas generales, se llega a la conclusión de que existen conexiones en relación con los posicionamientos sobre pluriculturalidad y ciudadanía cosmopolita. Así pues, el profesorado universitario de la muestra de ambos países destaca las ventajas de la pluralidad cultural en ambientes educativos y, pese a que existe un apoyo gubernamental a la internacionalización académica, en la muestra de profesorado japonés, se observa una mayor preocupación por la conservación de la identidad nacional frente a la pluralidad cultural.

В статье представлена оценка положения казачества в современном об- ществе, на основе объективного анализа ряда исследований. В настоящее время данная проблема всесторонне обсуждается и носит острый дискуссионный ха- рактер между общественностью, представителями казачьих войск, учёными различных научных направлений. Также, на этот счёт имеется своё отношение и у власти. Выдвинуто множество точек зрения, суть которых сводиться к ди- лемме: казаки это явление социальное или национальное, третья позиция предпо- лагает совокупность первых двух взглядов. ; In article the estimation of position of the Cossacks in a modern society, on the basis of the objective analysis of some researches is presented. Now the given problem is comprehensively discussed and has sharp debatable character between the public, representatives of the Cossack armies, scientists of various scientific directions. Also, it is in this respect referred and in power. The set of the points of view which essence to be reduced to a dilemma is put forward: Cossacks it is the phenomenon social or national, the third position assumes set of first two sights.

Рассмотрено, как движение верхних слоев российско-советского общества на отрезке 1917 – начала 1950-х гг. отразило переломный и формирующий характер данного периода социальной истории страны. Проведен сравнительный анализ электронных баз социографических данных репрессированной и не репрессированной частей тамбовской социальной элиты, который показывает, что верхние провинциальные социальные слои в обоих полах на пути от провинциальной дои революционной элит к советским «верхам» 1940-х гг. эволюционировали (парадигмы социальных слоев, национальной структуры, географии происхождения, уровень образования, структуры рода занятий, партийности) в сторону упрощения, плебеизации и социальной деградации их облика ; A transition of Russian upper social strata in 1917 – early 1950s reflected a formative character of that period is considered. A comparative analysis of E-database on repressed and non-repressed parts of Tambov social elite reveals that provincial upper strata in both sexes on their way from preand revolutionary elites to soviet "tops" of the 1940s moved to simplification, plebianism and social degradation in the components of social origin, national structure, education, occupation and political party affiliation is made.