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Electoral campaigning is studied almost without exception at the national level. This article has chosen another road, claiming that electoral campaigning can also be studied at the local election level. Campaigning before the Danish local elections of 21 November 1989 is studied. The design permits comparisons between the two levels (national/local) as well as between different units at the local level. It furthermore provides an opportunity for studying the influence of local party systems as well as local mass media on election campaigning. A substantial part of the article discusses the institutional frameworks surrounding electoral campaigning in the municipalities studied and in general. It is maintained that the electoral system, the mass media structure, and the (local) party system are important contextual factors or frameworks. Given this, it is argued that organization, past performance, and campaign focus as a mix of policy proposals and leader image are paramount in affecting the local election vote. The main conclusions are: local election campaigning differs from national election campaigning; local election campaigning matters, i.e. it has a direct effect on the vote; and the functions of local party organizations in connection with local elections and local performance make them less vulnerable to organizational decline, which most mass membership political parties are experiencing at the national level.

I argue that political parties oriented towards particularistic goods affect coalition government in presidential systems. Particularistic parties hire out their support on some item(s) of the presidential agenda in exchange for locally targeted policies or resources under the control of presidents. They are relatively cheap coalition partners for presidents in policy terms and their representation in the legislature provides presidents with coalitional flexibility. My empirical analysis of cabinets in 10 Latin American countries shows that when particularistic parties hold a larger share of the legislative seats minority presidents are less likely to form majority governments and more likely to change the party composition of their cabinets.

Überblick über die wichtigsten internen politischen Entwicklungen in den afrikanischen Staaten seit der Unabhängigkeit, Diskussion des Trends zu autoritären Herrschaftsformen. Rückblick auf die geschichtlichen und kulturellen Grundlagen afrikanischer Gesellschaften und ihren Kampf gegen den Kolonialismus als Hintergrund für die spätere Entwicklung. Analyse der Ursachen der zahlreichen Staatsstreiche, Zukunftsperspektiven. Auflistung der Regierungssysteme und ihrer Veränderungen seit der Unabhängigkeit in sämtlichen afrikanischen Staaten. (DÜI-Fwr)

This article analyzes the securitization of the political space under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) governments in Turkey with a critical feminist lens. We argue that a feminist reading unpacks the connection between AKP's discursive strategies in the spheres of social and national security. We focus on the AKP's proposals that address social policy and defense policy spheres—namely, the "Women's Employment Package;" "Family Package;" and "Internal Security Package." In our analysis, we start from the argument that the AKP's terms in office represent the last phase of neoliberal transformation in the country. Packages in this phase also speak to the patchwork style of neoliberal policy making. They function as means for checking, and then, manipulating public opinion. Analysis of the packages provides insight into the AKP's increasing resort to violence vis-á-vis opposition as well as the deepening of the economic crisis in the country in the last two decades.

There is much in Warren Wagar's paper with which I agree. He questions the viability of a multiculturalist politics, draws our attention to the problematical nature of many movements that world-system theory would deem "antisystemic," and rejects "a purely relativistic multiculturalism." Similarly, I have addressed the deficiencies of political cultural movements based on various claims of identity (sec Moghadam, 1994), argued against a "mindless cultural relativism" (Moghadam, 1989), and described a secular intellectualism in the Middle East (Moghadam, 1990). I would agree with Wagar that the "ideology of a Left Enlightenment" holds the best promise for the future--but up to a point. I would also be much in favour of a World Party-but with some qualifications. There are gaps in Wagar's scenario. His rejection of all contemporary social movements as equally incapable of helping to effect a progressive trans formative politics (global democratic socialism) is both politically and methodologically flawed.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Preface -- Part I Theory of Democratic Breakdown -- 1 Introduction: A New Explanation of Democratic Breakdown -- Democratic Breakdown and Its History -- Literature Review -- A New Theoretical Explanation -- Research Methods and Case Selection -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 2 The Logic of Political Cleavages -- Political Cleavages and Political Conflict -- The Typology of Political Cleavages -- Class Cleavage -- Religious Cleavage -- Ethnic Cleavage -- Regional Cleavage -- Measurement of Political Cleavages -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 3 Political Institutions and Centrifugal Democracy -- Political Institutions, State Capacity, and Political Conflict -- Political Institutional Arrangements at Different Levels -- Statehood Issue: Political Institutional Arrangements of Center-Local Relations -- Government-Society Relations: Electoral Systems and Related Party Systems -- Within Government: Executive-Legislative Relations -- The Characteristics of Centrifugal Democracy and Centripetal Democracy -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Part II Case Studies -- 4 Democratic Breakdown in the Weimar Republic -- The Origin of the German State and the Weimar Republic -- State Building of the German Empire -- Constitution and Political System of the German Empire -- Democratic Elections and Party Politics -- The Collapse of the Empire and the Establishment of the Weimar Republic -- Political Cleavages in the Weimar Republic -- German Society and Types of Political Cleavages Among Voters -- Rise of Division Among Early Voters in the Republic: 1919-23 -- Decline in Political Cleavage Among Voters in the Weimar Republic: 1924-8 -- Intensification of Political Cleavages in the Late Weimar Republic: 1929-33 -- The Weimar Constitution and Political Crisis.

For eighty years, students of parliamentary democracy have argued that durable cabinets require majority party government. Lawrence Dodd challenges this widely held belief and offers in its place a revisionist interpretation based on contemporary game theory. He argues for a fundamental alteration in existing conceptions of the relationship between party systems and parliamentary government.The author notes that cabinet durability depends on the coalitional status of the party or parties that form the cabinet. This status is created by the fractionalization, instability, and polarization that characterize the parliamentary party system. Cabinets of minimum winning status are likely to endure; as they depart from minimum winning status, their durability should decrease. Hypotheses derived from the author's theory arc examined against the experience of seventeen Western nations from 1918 to 1974. Making extensive use of quantitative analysis, the author compares behavioral patterns in multiparty and majority party parliaments, contrasts interwar and postwar parliaments, and examines the consistency of key behavioral patterns according to country. He concludes that a key to durable government is the minimum winning status of the cabinet, which may be attained in multiparty or majority party parliaments.Originally published in 1976.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905

The purpose of this essay is to prove the connection among political culture, political structure, & democracy. All the arguments pointing to such a connection have been analyzed within the framework of two fundamental approaches to the relationship between culture & structure, ie, within the framework of the classical approach to their correspondence (which claims -- primarily in line with the functional theory of culture -- that there is a functional concordance between culture & structure, that democracy is mirrored by the civic political culture, ie, that "culture is a structure's way of life," that culture determines the structure) & the contemporary interactional approach (in which -- primarily in line with the theory of culture "as meaning" or "social functioning" -- complex relations among various cultural variables & structural variables are analyzed as well as their combined effect on democracy as the consequence of these relations). The latter approach considers democracy not as a "fixed condition" but rather as a dynamic phenomenon or the end result of the combined interactional relationships between culture & structure. The analysis has shown that both approaches are legitimate & useful in understanding & maintaining democracy. Of course, the interactional approaches are more complex, as well as more important & more vital for understanding democracy. The analysis has shown how political culture (democratic legitimation or political trust, support for civil freedoms, satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, etc.) often depend on the elements of the very political structure (party systems & coalition models, election patterns, patterns of democracy, positions in power structure, etc.). Political culture is autonomous in relation to political structure, but frequently its role greatly depends on the relations among political actors & the variables of the political culture itself. The analysis has also demonstrated how these investigations into the interaction (combined effects) between political culture & structure are extremely sophisticated & that in the future they are going to become the most fruitful part of political science, making possible not only a deeper understanding of the "dynamic regularities" in the functioning of democracy but also the attempts at its "innovative sustainment" & gradual development. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores how the party-defined dimensionality of political competition relates to the number of parties competing in legislative elections. It demonstrates that a mathematical relationship between the number of electoral parties and the literature's concept of dimensionality follows from the variables' definitions; conversely, it argues that exploring the relationship between the number of electoral parties and a different concept of dimensionality conveys new information. Hence, it first argues that how we conceptualize dimensionality matters. Redirecting attention to the latter relationship, it then hypothesizes that party system fragmentation will go hand-in-hand with the appearance of new conflicts on the political agenda when the electoral system is permissive. Using a time-series cross-sectional dataset that includes at its core a new measure of dimensionality, it finds reasonable support for the hypotheses; however, at the elite level, new parties are found to play less of a role in politicizing new conflicts than expected. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

Popular consent is an essential element for success and stability of democracies. Research has repeatedly demonstrated that "electoral winners" (i.e. voters casting a ballot for government parties) are more satisfied with democracy than supporters of the opposition parties. However, little is known about the dynamics of satisfaction during the electoral cycle: Do winners become happier and losers even more discontent over time? We approach this question by utilizing an interview date in the European Social Survey (rounds 1–8) to position individuals within the different stages of electoral cycle. The results based on 199,207 responses from 199 surveys in 31 countries suggest that satisfaction with democracy stays relatively stable during the electoral cycle across various electoral systems if the political development is predictable. However, if actions of the parties are uncertain, namely the alternations of governments tend to be frequent, partial, and opened to all parties, and hence neither winners nor losers know how steady their status is with respect to the political development in the country, their satisfaction tend to fluctuate over time. Therefore, the conclusion reached is the more stable West European democracies have limited generalizability to the low-predictable systems in Central and Eastern Europe.