Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Economic analyses of peace and war are controversial. Economic theories on the violence of economic factors are heterogeneous. The economy is a factor and an instrument of war, but with the process of globalisation, many economists consider that economic knowledge becomes a factor of peace. It is therefore interesting to analyse the influence of economic powers of nations on the effects of domination and global conflicts, the influence of economic variables on human security, the determinants of military expenditure, the economic impact of terrorism, the economic reorganisation of the military sector, the industrial establishment of defence in Russia, the evolution and future of European defence companies, peacekeeping operations, humanitarian actions and sustainable development, economic intelligence, the economic consequences of the environment, and the approach to conflicts by race and gender. ; Les analyses économiques sur la paix et la guerre sont controversées. Les théories économiques sur la violence des facteurs économiques sont hétérogènes. L'économie est un facteur et un instrument de guerre, mais avec le processus de globalisation, beaucoup d'économistes considèrent que la connaissance économique devient un facteur de paix. Il est alors intéressant d'analyser l'influence des puissances économiques des nations sur les effets de domination et les conflits globaux, l'influence des variables économiques sur la sécurité humaine, les déterminants des dépenses militaires, l'impact économique du terrorisme, la réorganisation économique du secteur militaire, l'implantation industrielle de la défense en Russie, l'évolution et l'avenir des entreprises de défense européennes, les opérations de maintien de la paix, les actions humanitaires et le développement durable, l'intelligence économique, les conséquences économiques de l'environnement, et l'approche des conflits par la race et le genre.

The Tibet crisis tainted the success of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. The handling of the crisis showed the CCP's rigid denial of genuine dialogue and compromise and adherence to a formula of repression and economic growth. Current leaders are enmeshed in this policy, but a new generation might well seek out policies more in tune with the quest for "harmony" at home and "peaceful rise" on the world scene. (China Perspectives/GIGA)

AbstractThe "women and peace" hypothesis refers to the tendency of women to hold more peaceful and compromising attitudes than men. We hypothesized that common gender stereotypes that portray women as less aggressive and as more cooperative and considerate than men will cause a gendered evaluation effect, in which: (1) a compromise proposal offered by female opponents in peace negotiations will be valued more favorably, as more beneficial to ones' own side and as less beneficial to the opponents' side, in comparison to the same proposal when offered by male opponents; (2) female opponent negotiators offering the compromise proposal will be perceived as significantly higher in warmth and trustworthiness and as significantly lower in assertiveness than male opponent negotiators offering the same proposal. These effects were researched in the context of the protracted conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. An experimental study examined the effect of national identity (Israeli vs. Palestinian) and gender (female vs. male) of negotiators offering a compromise proposal – aimed at resolving the conflict – on Jewish-Israeli evaluations of the proposal. The findings were consistent with the hypothesized gendered evaluation effect.

The abrupt collapse of the ASEAN Plus Three and East Asian Summits at Pattaya on 11 April 2009 initiated four days of extreme political tension in Thailand. This tension both epitomized the current "red"-"yellow" polarization in Thai politics and society and represented the surface manifestation of deep pathologies in the Thai body politic. Four of these pathologies are the structure of the post-1997 economy, the figure of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the continuing war in the far south and concerns surrounding the end of the current reign. These pathologies leave Thailand in an incipient revolutionary situation, albeit one that must be clearly distinguished from the "revolution" that Thaksin tried to precipitate through street violence in April 2009. The seriousness of Thailand's pathologies notwithstanding, comparative perspectives offer the hope of peaceful progress towards the emergence of a new, more egalitarian Thailand. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

Las comunidades indígenas en México no han obtenido la respuesta deseada en cuanto al cumplimiento de sus demandas y respeto de sus derechos; no obstante, en las últimas décadas han conformado organizaciones en las que, a través de diferentes acciones colectivas, encuentran vertientes que favorecen su participación política y condiciones positivas para modificar su actual situación. Tal es el caso de la Asociación Nacional Indígena Plural por la Autonomía, ANIPA, la cual propone alternativas para resolver las adversidades que aquejan a los pueblos originarios.Ésta surge en el contexto de la jornada "500 años del Descubrimiento de América". Es con la aparición del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en 1994, que ANIPA logra una importante difusión de la demanda política que enarbolan las comunidades indígenas como el reconocimiento,respeto y autonomía de los pueblos indígenas. ANIPA ha participado en diversos foros y espacios de encuentro entre los poderes Ejecutivo y Legislativo y las organizaciones indígenas, que le permitieron in order to continue creating opportunities for expression and interaction between them. ANIPA has decided to seek peaceful means and dialogue to achieve the solution to indigenous demands. ANIPA-APN is not in sight as a political party but as a new democratic path that facilitate the integration of indigenous communities in the political life of the country, proposing the construction of a multiethnic state and a new multicultural society.

In the development of this work it can be affirmed that the most effective means to massively implement culture of peace in regions of the province where traditional media of the national and regional order do not have a presence is community radio, due to its proximity and its effects (Rodrigo, 2001), which allows the participation of the audience and the construction of a peace language (Peresson, Mariño and Cendales, 1983).In this sense, the radial parliament, well constructed within the socio-political and cultural logic, is an adequate instrument for the dialogical relationship and peaceful coexistence in populations where violence has prevailed between irregular armed groups of the right and left and the Colombian army, mainly in the Colombian Caribbean region, where it has lashed the most and where the post-conflict processes motivated by the same national government begin to be implemented.The word, as a symbolic entity of peace, conducive to it, used strategically in a frank and conciliatory, assertive manner (Pottier, 1992), reinforces the bonds of understanding and conciliation, constructing with it semiotic nuclear significations and related ideas (Charaudeau, 2003; van Dijk, 1990, and Apel, 1987) that mean, for example, identity, understanding, tolerance, inclusion, respect, participation, in short, affection in situations of dialogue to promote a culture of peace (Barreto, Broja and Serrano, 2009, and Centeno, 2008). ; En el desarrollo de este trabajo se puede afirmar que el medio más eficaz para implementar masivamente cultura de paz en regiones de provincia donde no tienen presencia los medios tradicionales del orden nacional y regional es la radio comunitaria, por su proximidad y sus efectos (Rodrigo, 2001), lo que permite con mucha facilidad participación de la audiencia y la construcción de un lenguaje de paz (Peresson, Mariño y Cendales,1983).En este sentido, el parlamento radial, bien construido dentro de la lógica sociopolítica y cultural, es un instrumento adecuado para la relación ...

Tolerance is one of the most widely recognised values in the world's democratic states. A society creates tolerance by choosing certain values and nurturing or condemning certain ways of behaving. Democratic countries value equality and the peaceful coexistence of the various groups. In every period, different social groups were and are tolerated differently. Problems with tolerance and discrimination of certain individuals and groups have today also become a centre of attention for scientists and the entire society.

The war between Russia and Georgia (RGW) from 8–12 August 2008 triggered different interpretations. Although initially Western discourse and media coverage took at face value Georgia's version of the unfolding of the war, subsequent evidence has disproved the latter. Russia only reacted to an unprovoked attack on South Ossetia in the middle of the night, which caused hundreds of civilian deaths as well as those of many Russian peacekeepers. Much of the initial argument about Russia embarking on a 'new Cold War' does not, therefore, stand up to scrutiny. By examining the war and the developments that led to it—as well as the behaviour of Russia, the United States, the European Union and NATO—this article argues that, far from opening a new Cold War, the RGW may have been a turning point, but in a very different direction. It indicates the end of the 'unipolar moment' and the beginning of a new era in the international system, in which the imperative for recognition and respect of newly emerging or resurgent powers has come into its own.

Este trabalho tratará sobre a questão das novas guerras, i.e.,os conflitos "surgidos" a partir da segunda metade do século XX eque se tornaram predominante neste período. Tais conflitos, decaráter essencialmente doméstico, eram antes considerados comosendo de competência do Estado, mas que hoje são consideradoscomo preocupação da comunidade internacional, em função dainstabilidade que podem causar, tanto interna, quanto regionalmente.Mostraremos como estes novos conflitos demandam uma maioratenção da comunidade internacional para a sua resolução, de formaque apenas a atuação militar - tal como no peacekeeping durante aGuerra Fria - não se mostra suficiente para se atingir a pazduradoura, ainda que as operações de paz que trataram de taisguerras sejam consideradas bem sucedidas.

Global order depends significantly on the US and Chinese roles in global politics as well as the relationship between them. Cooperation in three issue areas - the global economic crisis, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and climate change - would be beneficial to the maintenance of a stable and peaceful global order. But four factors make sustained cooperation difficult to achieve: exceptionalism in both political cultures, the problems of policy implementation in the two political systems, the elements of hierarchy and power transition that need to be negotiated, and the deep-rooted issue of mutual strategic distrust. The two states' bilateral relationship can be characterised now, and for some time to come, as resting between a cold and warm peace. (Survival / SWP)

The proposition that democracies are more peaceful than autocracies has spawned a huge literature. Much of the relevant quantitative research has shown that democracies indeed rarely, if ever, fight each other, although they are not necessarily less bellicose than autocracies in general. This essay seeks to identify several areas of concern that offer fruitful directions for further research to extend and clarify this proposition. These concerns relate to (1) conceptual clarification, (2) methodological assumptions, (3) causal interpretations, and (4) policy relevance.

Interpreting China's military expenditure has been a complicated issue with important regional implications. This article will first look at the various estimates of China's military budget and the discrepancies in the numbers as well as the geopolitical rationale driving Chinese military planning. Although China publishes its official defense budget and provides justifications for increases in its military spending, most observers remain skeptical of the accuracy of the official figures and wary of the military modernization efforts. This skepticism has shaped the responses of other Asia-Pacific nations toward China's military modernization. Ultimately, even if the Chinese leadership views the military buildup as a natural part of the country's ascension to great power status, the uncertainties surrounding its military expenditures actually undermine the contention that China's rise will be peaceful. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

In 1905, Europe was faced with a serious diplomatic crisis over Morocco. In fact, the tensions this crisis unleashed were so significant that to this day it is constantly cited as one of the factors that led to the outbreak of war in 1914. Yet despite the almost universal consensus among historians as to the importance of the 'First Moroccan Crisis' its peaceful resolution through an international conference at Algeciras in 1906 remains an under-researched theme. Little attention has been paid to how European states successfully defused this crisis situation, without resort to war, through painstaking negotiation. This article aims to reassess Algeciras, through a case study of the conference, which examines its significance in terms of two key questions. First, it will look at what the Algeciras conference reveals about the system of international relations in 1906. Second, it will explore how German imperialism towards Morocco manifested itself and whether in the Moroccan case we can draw any broader conclusions to add to the wider historiographical debate as to whether Germany followed the norms of the international colonial system during this period or broke with them. The article will contend that the German attempt to gain colonial influence in Morocco offers a valuable insight into Germany's position within the international imperial system and its role in the late imperialism of the immediate prewar years. It will conclude by suggesting that although overall the international system was remarkably robust in 1906, Algeciras marked a diplomatic turning point in German imperial policy and revealed underlying tensions between the evolving European alliance system and an older system of 'diplomatic imperialism.'

Military forces that prevail in war are often also expected to pick up the pieces later. In 2005, the U.S. Department of Defense directed that stability operations have "priority comparable to combat operations, " reflecting new widespread understanding of the importance of peacebuilding for the U.S. military. This research examines U.S. officers' value orientations and attitudes toward stability operations and the operational demands of peacebuilding. Our survey found overwhelming support for increased civil-military cooperation in combat and non-combat operational settings, clear recognition that the current purpose of the military must include stabilization and peace operations, and an endorsement for coordination with allies, international, non-governmental and other civilian actors in contemporary stability operations. Many respondents also reported, however, that military service did not prepare them well for managing civil affairs.

"The publications of the interdisciplinary and internationally networked Research Platform "World Order – Religion – Violence" seek to improve our understanding of the relationship between religion, politics and violence. It therefore deals especially with the return of religious themes and symbols into politics, with the analysis of the link between political theory and religion, and finally with the critical discussion of the secularization thesis. At the centre of the research are questions concerning the causes of violent conflict, the possibilities for a just world order and the conditions for peaceful coexistence on a local, regional, national and international/worldwide scale between communities in the face of divergent religious and ideological convictions. Its task is to initiate and coordinate thematically related research-efforts from various disciplinary backgrounds at the University of Innsbruck. It creates a network between departments, research-teams and single researchers working on topics of religion, politics and violence. The overall aim of the research platform World Order-Religion-Violence is to promote excellence in social and human science research on religion and politics at the University of Innsbruck and to guarantee the diffusion of this particular competence on a national and international level."