Suchergebnisse

This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Cultural pluralism in the media

The article deals with the theory of deliberative democracy, which is considered from an analytical perspective. Its main aim is to identify the primary directive of the rationality of pluralism, which forms the meta- -argumentative level of discourse on deliberative democracy. In the article, we investigate the theoretical path that the idea of deliberative democracy has passed from Rawls' works through those of Cohen to Brian Barry's impartiality. We also refer to critical voices which highlight topics of interest. The main directives that we distinguish within the rationality of pluralism are: equality, justifi cation, procedure and impartiality. We also point out that these directives may lead to inconsistencies in theories of deliberative democracy. We indicate that the plurality of rationalities is an alternative approach to the rationality of pluralism; however, this is not within the scope of our argument in this article.

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; 5 ; 1 ; 170 ; 186 ; 9 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values. ; Constitutional review of legislation is the power to examine statutes for their conformity with the constitution. This competence is performed by the judiciary. The origins of this institution date back to XIX century and since that time constitutional review of legislation has became an important institution in most democratic states. In the paper, the author answers the most important charge raised against constitutional review – that it lacks democratic legitimacy. According to Jeremy Waldron, there is always a loss to democracy when a majoritian decision is overruled by a politically unaccountable court. As an answer to Waldron's objection, the author introduces three arguments for the democratic status of constitutional review. These arguments point to three different sources of legitimacy for constitutional review: democratic will of the people, the principle of respect for the democratic reason, and substantial democratic values.

The topic of this article is methodological pluralism in political science, as a result of widening the scope of political science research. The objective is to reflect on qualitative research and to critically analyze its purpose and rules in political science. This article conceptualized the idea of qualitative political science.

Political parties play an important role in the contemporary democratic system, whereby the authority of a majority is constrained by human dignity and human rights. Without parties, there would be no political pluralism, one of the basic legal and systemic principles of the contemporary democratic state. On the practical level, though, the statutory rules governing the financing of political parties – laid down in the Political Parties Act and in the Electoral Code – produce results which weaken Constitutional democracy. An argument for keeping, in principle, the present model – where political parties are financed out of state budget and from other statutory sources – invokes the immanent risk of the system's oligarchization, which would come with the elimination of subsidies and its inevitable outcome, a "privatization" of political parties. Yet the present system of political parties' financing is in need of a major revamp. Most importantly, the changes should make the financing of political parties fully and genuinely transparent and subject to public control – whether in respect of the spending of budgetary resources or funds from membership fees, donations and other sources. The auditing powers of the State Electoral Commission in respect of political parties' financing should be widened and rendered more exercisable. The financing of political parties is supposed to consolidate the democratic system, advance political pluralism, foster the formation and growth of new parties, and promote equal chances in electoral rivalry – rather than servie to stabilize the electoral advantage of the parties with access to public money. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety. ; Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety.

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.